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Michael Jordan, the legendary basketball player, has found a new winning formula in Nascar. His team, 23XI Racing, has stormed to the top of the Cup series standings in 2026, with Tyler Reddick claiming four wins in the first six events, including a victory in the Daytona 500.Jordan's foray into Nascar ownership began in 2021 with a joint venture with Denny Hamlin, a prominent driver and Jordan Brand ambassador. The team's rapid rise to prominence has been fueled by Jordan's competitive drive and leadership style, which he attributes to his basketball background. "I'm cursed with this competitive gene, that anything I do is from a competitive lens," Jordan explained in an interview with CBS's Gayle King.The team's success has not been limited to Reddick, with Bubba Wallace, the No 45 car driver, consistently finishing in the top 11 through the first five races. Jordan's leadership approach, which emphasizes performing at the highest level and taking calculated risks, has drawn comparisons to his basketball career. "He emphasizes doing what you need to do to make sure you're performing at your highest level and taking that game-winning shot," said Dave Rogers, 23XI's senior director of competition.Jordan's entry into Nascar was not without controversy. In October 2025, 23XI Racing filed an antitrust lawsuit against Nascar, challenging the sport's charter system and revenue distribution model. The lawsuit led to the resignation of Nascar commissioner Steve Phelps in January 2026 and ultimately resulted in a settlement between Jordan and Nascar.Jordan's impact on Nascar extends beyond his team's on-track success. He has been instrumental in promoting diversity and inclusion in the sport, launching 23XI Racing with Bubba Wallace, a trailblazer for racial equality in Nascar. Jordan has also engaged with fans and artists, including rappers Fat Joe and Jadakiss, to help bring Nascar into the 21st century.As Jordan told King, "I'm excited that I'm connected to this sport. I feel like I watch it through the lens of my father, or with my family – and that matters to me." With 23XI Racing's impressive start to the season, it's clear that Michael Jordan has found a new passion and a winning formula in Nascar.

Labour leader Ed Miliband is facing a dilemma over whether to support new oil and gas licences in the North Sea, a move that could undermine the party's commitment to renewable energy and climate action. Reform UK, led by Nigel Farage, is pushing for the licences as a way to cut fuel bills, and some trade unions are also expressing support.However, Labour's green-friendly manifesto and Miliband's long-standing commitment to combating climate change make it difficult for the party to backtrack on its opposition to fossil fuel extraction. The issue has become a battleground between Labour and Reform UK, with Farage framing it as a fight between the 'common man' and the 'elites'. The North Sea oil and gas industry is in decline, and even if new licences were granted, it would take five to seven years for the wells to become productive. Moreover, the global energy market is driven by fossil fuel prices, so extracting more oil from the North Sea would have a minimal impact on UK energy prices.Instead of succumbing to pressure from the right, Labour should focus on investing in renewable energy and breaking the energy market into clean power and fossil power. This approach would not only help combat climate change but also provide a more sustainable and resilient energy supply.The article concludes that Labour must stay committed to its green agenda and not give in to the 'nostalgic fantasy' of North Sea drilling, which would only serve to benefit Nigel Farage and Reform UK.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

Europe is undergoing a significant transformation in its relationship with the US, marked by a growing desire for independence and a shift away from Trump's aggressive policies. The recent crisis in the Middle East, where Trump's threat to annihilate Iranian civilisation was temporarily called off, has been a turning point in this journey. Initially, many European leaders had tacitly supported the US and Israeli attack on Iran, driven by a desire for a transatlantic detente and antipathy towards the Iranian regime. However, as the war escalated, Europe's stance began to shift, with countries like Italy, Poland, and France taking steps to distance themselves from Trump's policies. The cooling of European support for the war has taken various forms, including Italy denying US warplanes permission to use an airbase in Sicily, Poland refusing to send Patriot air defence systems to the Middle East, and France rejecting overflight rights and opposing a US-sponsored resolution at the UN security council. This shift in European policy is driven by a number of factors, including the realisation that the war has been a windfall for Russia, through higher oil prices and a depletion of air defence interceptors available to Ukraine. European leaders have also been reminded that the erosion of international law is bad news for the world, Europe included. As Europe finds its footing in distancing itself from Trump, it may also find its voice. Europe's diplomatic role in the Iranian nuclear file in the early 2000s grew out of its opposition to the Iraq war. Today, the same dynamic could unfold, with Europe promoting a permanent end of hostilities and a multilateral initiative in the region. The proposal by a group of European, Gulf, and Asian countries to contribute to ensuring safe passage through the strait of Hormuz was originally aimed at placating Trump. Europeans then backed a UN-led fertiliser corridor to prevent a food crisis in the global south. The UK is also leading a coalition of more than 40 countries seeking to reopen the strait once the US and Israel definitively end their offensive. If a sustainable reopening of Hormuz succeeds, it could eventually extend to a new nuclear agreement, a non-aggression pact between the US and Iran, and a similar one between Israel and Iran – including Lebanon. It could involve the release of Iranian funds frozen abroad to rebuild infrastructure destroyed by US and Israeli attacks, and the selective lifting of EU and US sanctions.

Ecuador has escalated tensions with Colombia by recalling its ambassador, Arturo Felix Wong, from Bogota. This move comes in response to criticisms from Colombian President Gustavo Petro regarding the case of former Ecuadorian Vice President Jorge Glas, who is currently serving a lengthy prison sentence for corruption.Glas, a left-wing figure, has been at the center of a high-profile criminal case that has stirred tensions across Latin America. He was arrested in a controversial police raid on the Mexican embassy in Quito two years ago, where he had sought asylum. The raid was authorized by the right-wing government of Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa, who has denounced criticisms of the Glas case as a violation of his country's sovereignty.President Petro has referred to Glas as a 'political prisoner' and has called for his transfer to Colombian custody after granting him citizenship last September. Petro has also raised concerns about Glas's health and wellbeing, stating that he is suffering from severe malnutrition and muscle mass loss due to his imprisonment.The diplomatic row between Ecuador and Colombia is part of a long-running spat between the two leaders. Since March, Noboa has imposed 50-percent tariffs on Colombian imports, accusing Colombia of being too lax in its fight against drug trafficking. Petro, in turn, has accused Noboa of carrying out a bombing campaign near the Colombian border, resulting in the recovery of 27 charred bodies.Ecuador's Foreign Minister, Gabriela Sommerfeld, confirmed the recall of the ambassador, stating that the criticisms of the Glas case were 'uncalled for and a provocation'. The move is seen as a further escalation of tensions between the two countries, which have been experiencing strained relations since the Mexican embassy raid in 2024.

The Confederation of African Football (CAF) chief Patrice Motsepe arrived in Dakar this week, marking his first visit to Senegal since the body’s controversial decision to strip the nation of its Africa Cup of Nations (AFCON) crown and hand it to Morocco.Motsepe announced the itinerary at the end of March, pledging to meet leaders in both countries to stress the need for "working together to grow African football" as CAF confronts mounting criticism.President Bassirou Diomaye Faye is scheduled to receive Motsepe at the presidential palace, followed by a joint news conference intended to calm tensions.The visit comes in the wake of CAF’s surprise reversal of the January 18 final, where Senegal had defeated hosts Morocco 1‑0. Citing a breach of regulations concerning players leaving the field, CAF retroactively recorded a 3‑0 victory for Morocco on March 17.During the match in Rabat, Senegal’s squad, head coach Pape Thiaw and staff walked off after Morocco were awarded an added‑time penalty, which forward Brahim Diaz ultimately missed.In response, the Senegalese Football Federation lodged an appeal with the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS), while the Senegalese government demanded an international probe into alleged corruption within CAF.Motsepe, speaking late last month, affirmed that he would respect and implement the CAS ruling, adding that his personal view on the matter was “irrelevant.”

The recent two-week ceasefire announced by US President Donald Trump in the war on Iran has sent shockwaves through Israel. The move has been met with criticism from Israel's opposition leader, Yair Lapid, who called it one of the greatest 'political disasters in all of our history'. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office issued a statement supporting the US decision, claiming that 'Iran no longer poses a nuclear, missile and terror threat to America, Israel, Iran's Arab neighbours and the world.' However, Netanyahu's war aims of preventing 'Iran from developing nuclear weapons' and creating 'the conditions for the Iranian people so they can remove the cruel regime of tyranny' remain unachieved.Despite significant military successes over the past 40 days of attacks on Iran, neither of Netanyahu's goals has been achieved. The Iranian regime is still in place, its ballistic missile programme could be rebuilt quickly, and it still has 440kg of enriched uranium at 60 percent purity, enough for 10 bombs.Analysts say that Iran has emerged stronger as a result of the war, with key victories including the survival of the Iranian government and its decision to close the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world's key energy arteries. The ceasefire has also given Iran an opportunity to continue with newly imposed levies on ships for safe passage through the Strait.Criticism of Netanyahu's handling of the war has been swift, with Ofer Cassif of the left-wing Hadash party saying that the prime minister has 'failed politically, failed strategically, and didn't meet a single one of the goals that he himself set'. Ahron Bregman, a senior teaching fellow at the Department for War Studies at King's College London, said that 'Israel achieved almost nothing tangible' and that the ceasefire has 'strained the US relationship'.

The United States and Iran have agreed to a two-week ceasefire, with Iran reopening the strategic Strait of Hormuz and talks set to begin in Islamabad, Pakistan. The agreement was reached after a request from Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and pressure from China.Iran's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Abbas Araghchi, confirmed that safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz will be ensured for two weeks through coordination with the country's armed forces. Under the agreement, Iran and Oman will be allowed to charge transit fees on passing ships, with Tehran planning to use the revenue for post-war reconstruction.The ceasefire was agreed upon just an hour before US President Donald Trump's deadline to escalate the conflict expired. Trump's move followed a request from Pakistan's Prime Minister, who urged Washington to extend its deadline for a deal and called on Iran to reopen the strait. The breakthrough came after talks with Pakistan's leadership, which had pushed for a ceasefire.Iran has proposed a 10-point peace plan, which includes lifting sanctions, creating a war-loss fund, a potential US troop withdrawal from the Gulf, and recognition of Iran's right to enrich uranium in exchange for a pledge not to build nuclear weapons. However, it is unclear whether the US has agreed to any of these proposals.The ceasefire has triggered street celebrations in Tehran and Baghdad, with Iranian leaders declaring the conflict is ending 'on Iran's terms'. However, some citizens remain skeptical, warning the US and Israel may be using the pause to 'buy time' and regroup.The agreement has also had an impact on the global economy, with crude prices falling below $100 after Trump's announcement. However, analysts remain cautious, with markets in 'wait-and-see mode' as a 'big gap' remains in negotiations.

Cheng Li-wun, chairwoman of Taiwan’s main opposition party the Kuomintang (KMT), used a high‑profile trip to mainland China to advocate for renewed dialogue with Beijing. On Wednesday she laid a wreath at Sun Yat‑sen’s mausoleum in Nanjing, invoking the revolutionary’s legacy of “equality, inclusiveness and unity” as a moral foundation for cross‑strait reconciliation. Her visit marks the first time a KMT leader has set foot in China in ten years. Cheng said the core values of Sun’s ideal—"all under heaven are equal"—should guide efforts to promote reconciliation and regional prosperity across the Taiwan Strait. During the trip Cheng also expressed hopes to meet Chinese President Xi Jinping, framing the potential encounter as a diplomatic test that could demonstrate the effectiveness of dialogue over deterrence. The timing of the trip is notable. It comes amid heightened friction between Taipei and Beijing, with China continuing to assert sovereignty over Taiwan while refusing to engage with President William Lai Ching‑te, whom it labels a “separatist”. Amid concerns that a distracted United States may be less able to guarantee Taiwan’s security, some Taiwanese voters view a thaw in relations as attractive. Wen‑ti Sung, a non‑resident fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Global China Hub, told Al Jazeera that a cordial photo‑op between Cheng and Xi could bolster the KMT’s argument that dialogue is more effective than military deterrence. Domestically, Cheng’s outreach occurs as Taiwan’s opposition‑controlled parliament has stalled a proposed $40 billion increase in defence spending. She acknowledged Taiwan’s democratic evolution, referencing the legacy of the “White Terror” period, while also praising China’s recent development achievements. The governing Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) sharply criticized the trip, accusing the KMT of undermining national security. Party spokesperson Wu Cheng argued that if the opposition truly seeks stability, it should stop blocking the defence budget increase. Neither Beijing nor Taipei formally recognises the other’s government, leaving any dialogue fragile and heavily politicised. Cheng’s visit therefore represents both a symbolic gesture toward historic ties and a contested move within Taiwan’s polarized political landscape.