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Juba, South Sudan – Growing up, Khloe Nyanda was taught to stay small and avoid taking up space. Defying that lesson, the 21‑year‑old law student at the University of Juba pursued modeling after being inspired by South Sudanese supermodel Adut Akech, whose refugee‑to‑runway story she describes as a "crown".Nyanda’s ambition mirrors that of a new generation of South Sudanese talent, with 95% of models from the country naming Akech as their spark. She began modeling in 2023, but her family remained skeptical, fearing the clash between academic responsibilities and a fashion career.Her personal journey has been marked by familial estrangement after she rejected an arranged marriage and a modelling coach’s advances, leading to loss of support from her stepbrother and other relatives.Beyond social pressures, Nyanda faces systemic obstacles. Since 2023 she has endured multiple visa rejections despite contracts with agencies in London, Paris, and Italy. An attempt to attend Milan Fashion Week was denied by the Italian embassy in Nairobi over bank‑statement issues, while two separate applications to the French embassy in Kampala were also turned down. The absence of South Sudanese embassies in France and Italy forces hopeful models to obtain travel documents from neighboring countries, inflating costs and delays.Another emerging model, 20‑year‑old Alek Mayen Garang, balances her senior‑year studies with runway aspirations. Born in Greater Jonglei and raised in Renk, she spent part of her childhood in Kampala before returning to South Sudan amid the 2016 conflict. Garang draws inspiration from Anok Yai, the American‑South Sudanese model named Model of the Year at the 2025 British Fashion Awards.Unlike Nyanda, Garang found an ally in her elder sister, who accompanied her to her first runway show and helped negotiate parental approval. Her early challenges were technical—learning to walk in heels, maintaining strict diet and skincare regimens—and the lingering fear of rejection at auditions.Both women are part of a broader South Sudanese surge in global fashion. Nine of the world’s top 50 models on models.com hail from South Sudan, underscoring the country’s deep talent pool. Former models have transitioned to design and entrepreneurship, founding South Sudan Fashion Week and creating bespoke wedding gowns.Industry veterans now coach new talent, urging them to prioritize education alongside modeling. Yet a new anxiety looms: the potential rise of AI‑generated Black models, which could further destabilize already precarious careers.Within South Sudan, the Ministry of Culture, Museums and National Heritage has been criticized for its limited engagement with the modeling sector. Advocates argue that official endorsement could shift parental attitudes and legitimize modeling as a respectable profession.Garang recently won the “creativity” award at the national Miss Junub beauty pageant, expanding her vision from personal success to mentoring emerging designers and models. Nyanda, meanwhile, envisions a future beyond the runway: she plans to invest her earnings in establishing a credible mother agency, as well as a school and hospital for orphans, aiming to reinvest in her homeland.“South Sudan is not a place I am running from; it is the place I am running for,” Nyanda declares, embodying a resolve to reshape societal expectations and create pathways for the next generation of South Sudanese talent.

Every year on April 17, Palestinians commemorate Prisoner’s Day to bring attention to the thousands of men, women, and children held in Israeli prisons. This year’s observance is particularly significant due to Israel’s recently enacted death penalty law, which exclusively targets Palestinians convicted of deadly attacks.Rights groups have strongly criticized the law, labeling it a violation of international law and inherently discriminatory. The United Nations human rights chief has even suggested it could constitute a possible “war crime”.According to the prisoners’ rights group Addameer, nearly 10,000 Palestinians are currently being held in Israeli prisons, both within Israel and in occupied territories. These individuals are viewed by Palestinians as political prisoners who must be freed.The historical context of Prisoner’s Day dates back to April 17, 1971, when Mahmoud Bakr Hejazi was released in the first prisoner exchange between Israel and Palestine. In 1974, the Palestinian National Council officially designated April 17 as Prisoner’s Day, which has since served as a day of national and international solidarity with the Palestinian struggle against Israel’s continued occupation.Administrative Detention and Its ImplicationsAs of early April, 9,600 Palestinians were in Israeli custody. Of these detainees:3,532 are administrative detainees – held without charge or trial.342 are children.84 are women.119 are serving life sentences.Administrative detention is a longstanding Israeli policy allowing authorities to hold Palestinians without charge or trial for six-month periods that can be renewed indefinitely. Critics argue that this system is widely abused and denies due process, with over one-third of detainees being held under administrative detention.The Plight of Palestinian ChildrenIsrael is the only country that tries children in military courts, often denying them basic rights. 342 children were being held in Israeli prisons this month, with over 12,000 Palestinian children detained by Israeli forces since the outbreak of the second Intifada in 2000. These children are often subjected to physical and psychological torture, interrogated without parental or legal presence, and exploited for information or used as leverage against their families.The New Death Penalty LawThe new law allows military courts to impose the death penalty on Palestinians convicted of killing Israelis in acts of “terror.” This law, approved on March 30 and set to take effect by the end of April, applies to Palestinians from the West Bank tried in Israeli military courts. The Palestinian Authority has condemned the bill as a “war crime against the Palestinian people”, citing violations of the Fourth Geneva Convention.The rights group B’Tselem noted that the conviction rate for Palestinians tried in military courts is about 96 percent, often based on ‘confessions’ obtained through pressure and torture.A Legacy of DetentionSince 1967, Israeli forces have detained an estimated one million Palestinians, or about 20 percent of the Palestinian population. This systemic practice has fragmented communities, perpetuated cycles of trauma, and generated widespread resentment. For many families, arrests have become an inevitability, with freedom remaining uncertain for those currently behind bars, just as it has for generations before them.

The recent Lebanon ceasefire has garnered significant attention globally, with various countries weighing in on its implications. In Israel, the ceasefire has sparked a range of reactions, reflecting the complex dynamics at play in the region. While specific details about Israel's official stance on the ceasefire are not provided, the development is likely to have significant security implications for the country. Israel has historically been concerned about the presence of militant groups in Lebanon, particularly Hezbollah, which has been involved in conflicts with Israel. The ceasefire, facilitated by international efforts, aims to reduce tensions and promote stability in the region. However, the long-term impact of this agreement on Israel-Lebanon relations and broader regional dynamics remains to be seen. As the situation continues to unfold, international observers are closely monitoring developments, seeking to understand the ceasefire's implications for regional peace and security.

A World Athletics Nationality Review Panel has rejected eleven requests from athletes seeking to transfer their sporting allegiance to Turkiye. The panel described the applications as part of a coordinated recruitment strategy orchestrated by the Turkish government through a state‑financed club offering lucrative contracts. The denied petitions originated from five Kenyan runners—including former women’s marathon world‑record holder Brigid Kosgei—four Jamaican throwers, notably Olympic discus champion Roje Stona and shot‑put bronze medallist Rajindra Campbell. The remaining two athletes were Nigerian sprinter Favour Ofili and Russian heptathlete Sophia Yakushina. World Athletics explained that approving the transfers would compromise its eligibility and allegiance regulations, which are designed to ensure a genuine connection between athletes and the nations they represent and to safeguard the sport’s integrity worldwide. “The applications formed part of a coordinated recruitment strategy led by the Turkiye government acting through a wholly‑owned and financed government club, to attract overseas athletes through lucrative contracts,” the governing body said in a statement. The panel warned that such moves aim to boost Turkiye’s representation at future events, including the Los Angeles 2028 Olympic Games. These rules were tightened in 2019 after World Athletics chief Sebastian Coe likened some athlete switches to human trafficking. The current framework requires demonstrable ties—such as residency, heritage, or long‑term commitment—to the new country. Turkiye has a history of naturalising foreign talent; its squad at the 2016 European Championships featured athletes from Kenya, Jamaica, Ethiopia, Cuba, Ukraine, South Africa and Azerbaijan. Notable success stories include Ramil Guliyev, who switched from Azerbaijan and won the 200 m world title in 2017. Other nations, like Qatar, have similarly used financial incentives to attract athletes, exemplified by Egyptian‑born weightlifter Fares Ibrahim Hassouna**, who secured Qatar’s first Olympic gold in Tokyo 2021. Bahrain’s Winfred Yavi also switched from Kenya at age 15 and later claimed Olympic and world titles in the steeplechase. World Athletics clarified that the refusal does not bar the eleven athletes from competing in individual meets, road races, or training in Turkiye; it merely blocks official national representation under the Turkish flag.

The United Nations refugee agency has revealed that nearly 900 Rohingya refugees were reported dead or missing in the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea in 2025. This was the deadliest year on record for maritime movements in South and South East Asia.Thousands of people continue to make the dangerous journeys in 2026, with the UNHCR describing the area as an “unmarked graveyard for thousands of desperate Rohingya refugees”. Over the last decade, some 5,000 Rohingya are thought to have drowned at sea.Hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees began fleeing Myanmar in 2017 amid an ethnic cleansing campaign. They largely settled in refugee camps in Bangladesh, which continues to give refuge to those fleeing today. However, humanitarian aid in the country has been reduced due to funding shortfalls, and there is limited access to education and opportunities in the camps, prompting people to attempt the dangerous sea crossings.More than 2,800 Rohingya have made the sea journeys this year, with the majority leaving from Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh or Rakhine State in Myanmar in the hope of reaching Malaysia or Indonesia. The UNHCR hopes that highlighting the record death toll will make people aware of “what the Rohingyas are going through inside Myanmar and in the refugee camps and in the wider region” and prompt solutions to avoid another record toll in 2026.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank have announced the resumption of ties with Venezuela under the country's interim leader, Delcy Rodriguez. This move comes after a period of severed relations that began in 2019 due to international disputes over the legitimacy of Venezuela's leadership. The IMF and World Bank had cut ties with Caracas in 2019 amid a split in the international community over whether to support Nicolas Maduro or Juan Guaido as the country's rightful leader following disputed presidential elections. IMF Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva stated that the institution had resumed dealings with Venezuela under Rodriguez's administration, guided by the views of its members. This step is expected to ultimately benefit the Venezuelan people. The World Bank followed suit, announcing that it would re-engage with Venezuela based on the outcome of the IMF's decision-making process. The bank had last made a loan to Caracas in 2005. These announcements come several weeks after the United States President's administration lifted sanctions on Rodriguez, further conferring legitimacy on her leadership. Rodriguez welcomed the announcements, calling it a significant achievement for Venezuelan diplomacy. Venezuela has one of the highest debt burdens in the world, with total external liabilities estimated at more than $150bn. The resumption of ties with the IMF and World Bank clears the way for Venezuela to request financial assistance if necessary to shore up its finances. In 2020, the IMF had rejected Venezuela's request for an emergency loan of $5bn to help fund its response to the COVID-19 pandemic, citing the lack of international consensus on Maduro's legitimacy. Venezuela has been a member of the IMF and World Bank since 1946.

Pope Leo XIV delivered a powerful homily to an estimated 120,000 worshippers at the Japorma stadium in Douala, Cameroon’s largest economic centre. Speaking in both English and French, the pontiff urged the city’s young people to turn away from violence and corruption, emphasizing that true wealth lies in values such as faith, family, hospitality and diligent work.Security measures were stringent for the Friday Mass, and many attendees camped overnight despite harsh conditions, determined to witness the historic event. One pilgrim, Kevin Kaegam, told Reuters that the cold and mosquitoes were a small price to pay for the chance to see the “supreme pontiff”.Following the Mass, the Pope was scheduled to visit a local Catholic hospital and later travel to Yaoundé to meet students at the Catholic University of Central Africa. This stop follows a previous visit to Bamenda, a city at the heart of Cameroon’s nearly decade‑long English‑speaking separatist insurgency, where he also called for peace and condemned the exploitation of religion for political gain.Cameroon, with roughly 30 % of its population identifying as Catholic, is grappling with multiple crises, including the Anglophone conflict and lingering unrest from last year’s post‑election protests. The bishop of Obala, Leopold Bayemi Matjei, described the papal visit as a moment of great joy and a hopeful sign of divine blessing for the nation.In a more forceful tone than usual, Pope Leo criticized “neocolonial” powers for violating international law and warned that the whims of the rich and powerful threaten global peace. His comments on the war in Iran drew ire from U.S. President Donald Trump, who labelled the pontiff “weak” and “terrible for foreign policy”. Leo responded that he harbors “no fear of the Trump administration”.The Douala gathering marks the second stop of a four‑country African tour that began in Algeria and will also include Angola and Equatorial Guinea, underscoring the Pope’s broader mission to address social and political challenges across the continent.

Hungary’s political landscape shifted dramatically last weekend when Peter Magyar secured a landslide victory, ending Viktor Orban’s 16‑year rule. Magyar, now head of the centre‑right Tisza party, has pledged to steer the nation back toward the European Union and to eliminate Russian oil imports by 2035. Under Orban, Hungary deepened its energy ties with Moscow, opposing EU sanctions and blocking military aid to Ukraine. The country became a key conduit for Russian oil and gas into the EU, largely via the Druzhba pipeline, which delivered up to 93% of Hungary’s crude by 2025, up from 61% in 2021, according to a 2026 Center for the Study of Democracy (CSD) report. Gas dependence is similarly stark: the CSD data show that roughly three‑quarters of Hungary’s annual gas imports come from Russia, amounting to an estimated €15.6 billion ($18.4 bn) since the invasion of Ukraine. Long‑term contracts with Gazprom and reliance on the TurkStream pipeline have locked Hungary into Moscow’s re‑engineered gas export system. Hungary’s nuclear sector also ties it to Russia. The Paks plant, which supplies 40‑50% of the nation’s electricity, is being expanded with financing from Russia’s state nuclear corporation Rosatom. The expansion would raise nuclear output to 60‑70%, reducing overall import needs but preserving a strategic link to Moscow. Magyar acknowledges the difficulty of a swift break. "The geographical position of neither Russia nor Hungary will change. Our energy exposure will also be here for a while," he told voters before the election. Yet he insists that ending dependence does not mean abandoning all contracts, emphasizing a need to balance existing obligations with a political shift away from Russia. Analysts note that diversification will be costly. Russian oil has been purchased at discounted rates due to Western sanctions, and alternatives—such as the Adria pipeline delivering non‑Russian crude to Hungarian refiner MOL—are more expensive. A 2025 joint study by CSD and the Center for Research on Energy and Clean Air suggests the Adria route could help, but price differentials remain a barrier. The EU has set a binding deadline to phase out Russian oil and gas by late 2027. Magyar’s 2035 target therefore exceeds the bloc’s timetable, raising questions about Hungary’s compliance and its future relations with Brussels. European Council on Foreign Relations senior fellow Pawel Zerka warns that Hungary lacks easy substitutes, especially given global supply disruptions like the Strait of Hormuz closure, which has halted 20% of world oil and LNG shipments. Domestically, public sentiment appears hostile to Russia; a recent ECFR poll shows a majority of Tisza voters view Moscow as an adversary. This political pressure limits Magyar’s ability to maintain cordial ties with President Vladimir Putin while pursuing energy security. In summary, Hungary faces a complex transition: it must untangle decades of energy interdependence, manage higher costs for alternative supplies, and align its timeline with EU mandates—all while navigating domestic expectations and regional geopolitical tensions.

Bulgaria is set to hold a snap parliamentary election on Sunday, April 19, a vote that comes after a series of short‑lived coalitions and widespread anti‑corruption protests that have eroded public confidence in the democratic process. The poll marks the eighth national election in just five years for the 6.5 million‑strong Black Sea nation, following the resignation of Prime Minister Rosen Zhelyazkov’s cabinet in December amid street demonstrations against endemic corruption and a controversial 2026 budget. According to Alpha Research, more than 3.3 million Bulgarians – roughly 60 % of eligible voters – are expected at the polls, a sharp rise from the 2.57 million who turned out in the October 2024 election. Voter sentiment is shifting toward a desire for decisive governance: 49 % of respondents say a single party should hold a majority and assume full responsibility, while only 33 % still favor coalition oversight. Rumen Radev, the former president and a former fighter pilot with pro‑Russian leanings, is contesting the premiership under the Progressive Bulgaria banner. His main rival is former prime minister Boyko Borissov, leading the centre‑right GERB‑UDF alliance. Polls show Radev’s party currently ahead with 34.2 % support, followed by GERB‑UDF at 19.5 %. The pro‑Western bloc “We Continue the Change‑Democratic Bulgaria” is projected third with 12‑14 % and could become a coalition partner for Radev if he wins. Radev has ruled out any alliance with GERB or the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF), whose leader Delyan Peevski is under UK and US sanctions for corruption. Analysts warn that while coalition‑building appears inevitable, the durability of any future government remains uncertain. Should Radev secure a mandate, his campaign promises to eradicate the “corrupt, oligarchic model” that he claims dominates Bulgarian politics. A Radev‑led administration could also recalibrate Bulgaria’s foreign policy, potentially challenging recent EU‑aligned moves such as joining the eurozone in January 2026 and signing a security pact with Ukraine – both of which Radev has publicly opposed. Despite denouncing Russia’s aggression in Ukraine, Radev has repeatedly advocated for renewed dialogue with Moscow, positioning Bulgaria as a unique Slavic and Eastern‑Orthodox bridge between the EU and Russia. Domestic priorities remain pressing: while life expectancy and employment indicators have improved since EU accession in 2007, the country still needs political stability to unlock EU funds for infrastructure, attract foreign investment, and dismantle systemic corruption. Rural communities, such as those in southern Bulgaria, voice a desperate need for change. Farmer Nikolay Vasiliev told Reuters he sees Radev as a potential saviour capable of delivering security and decisive reforms. Concerns about foreign interference have also surfaced. Bulgaria recently asked the EU diplomatic service to counter Russian disinformation campaigns, after a think‑tank warned of coordinated Russian influencer networks seeking to sow division. Radev counters these accusations, asserting that “no one from outside can tell us how to vote – that decision belongs to us, the Bulgarian people.” Experts, however, caution that even if Radev wins, his ties to Moscow may not translate into a dramatic shift toward Russia, given Bulgaria’s recent progress in EU integration and the broader strategic interests of its populace.