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Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

At a Wednesday briefing, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt framed the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran as a "test" that NATO failed, hinting that President Donald Trump is weighing a possible withdrawal from the alliance. She quoted the president saying the partnership had turned its back on the American people over the past six weeks. Shortly thereafter, Trump met with NATO Secretary‑General Mark Rutte at the White House. Both described the discussion as "frank and open," with Rutte acknowledging logistical support and base access from allies, but noting the absence of direct military contributions. During a CNN interview, host Jake Tapper asked Rutte whether the president intended to pull the United States out of NATO or at least reduce its backing. Rutte admitted there was disappointment, yet emphasized he had listened carefully to Trump’s arguments and praised the president’s leadership. Since assuming office in 2025, Trump has intensified pressure on NATO members to raise defence spending. At the 2025 NATO summit, members agreed to a non‑binding target of 5 % of GDP by 2035. Spain’s request for an exemption sparked a year‑long public denouncement by Trump. Earlier, Trump threatened to seize the Danish territory of Greenland, claiming its strategic value, though the United States has since softened that stance. Nevertheless, he continues to argue that US control of Greenland is essential, despite opposition from local residents and European leaders. The Wall Street Journal reported that the administration is evaluating the closure of U.S. bases or the redeployment of troops from countries such as Spain and Germany as retaliation for their limited engagement in the Iran conflict. When pressed about a potential NATO exit, Leavitt confirmed that the president "has discussed" the option and may address it after his meeting with Rutte. The president’s relationship with Rutte remains close; the Dutch leader has visited the White House multiple times during Trump’s second term. Rutte warned that NATO "will not work" without U.S. support, underscoring the strategic stakes of any American pull‑back. The unfolding debate highlights a deepening rift between Washington and its European partners at a time when the broader geopolitical landscape is already destabilised by the Iran war.

Israeli forces have carried out a devastating bombardment across Lebanon, killing at least 254 people and wounding 1,165 others in air strikes that targeted areas in Beirut, the Bekaa Valley, Mount Lebanon, Sidon, and several villages in southern Lebanon.The Israeli military said that the attack was its largest coordinated assault on Lebanon since it started a new military operation in the country on March 2, “targeting more than 100 Hezbollah command centres and military sites”.The attacks have sparked widespread international condemnation, with leaders from around the world calling for an end to the violence. Lebanon’s Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri called the attacks a “full-fledged war crime,” while Hezbollah said it had a “right” to respond to the attacks.International Reactions:• Iran: The Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) warned that it will respond to the attacks on Lebanon if Israel does not stop the assault.• US: President Donald Trump said Lebanon was not part of the ceasefire deal with Iran due to Hezbollah.• Qatar: The foreign ministry condemned the “brutal series” of Israeli attacks on Lebanon, calling them a “dangerous escalation and a flagrant violation of the sovereignty of the sister Lebanese Republic.”• Egypt: The Ministry of Foreign Affairs called Israel’s attacks on Lebanon had a “premeditated intent” to undermine regional and international efforts to reduce escalation.• UN: The United Nations strongly condemned the strikes by Israel across Lebanon that resulted in significant civilian casualties.

Cameron Picton, the bassist‑vocalist behind British art‑rock outfit Black Midi, has unveiled his first solo statement under the moniker My New Band Believe. Recorded with a cadre of improvisational musicians—including veteran drummer Steve Noble, formerly of Rip Rig + Panic—the album abandons the band’s signature wall of sound for an intimate, acoustic approach.The record opens with the gentle ballad “Still,” a track originally tucked away on Black Midi’s sprawling rock‑opera Hellfire. Here, Picton’s unadorned vocal delivery replaces Geordie Greep’s theatrical croons, setting a tone of understated sincerity that runs through the entire project.Every song is built from live‑sounding instruments: fingerpicked guitars, double bass, piano, subtle percussion and tasteful string arrangements. This stripped‑back aesthetic allows the lyrics to move away from Black Midi’s often surreal narratives toward more direct, everyday subjects. For instance, the opening track “Target Practice” retains a hint of the band’s dark humor, while “Love Story” paints a nostalgic picture of a couple cooking together, and “Opposite Teacher” reflects on the challenges of fatherhood.Even within this quieter framework, Picton injects moments of tension. The second track, “In the Blink of an Eye,” introduces dissonant chords that remind listeners that “understated” is a relative term for an artist accustomed to sonic extremes. Throughout, the songs remain episodic, with sudden key changes and tempo shifts that echo the restless spirit of Van Dyke Parks’ 1967 Song Cycle—a collaboration Picton initially pursued before budget constraints halted the partnership.Highlights such as “Heart of Darkness” weave together folk‑rock riffs, jazzy drumming and an improvised coda of feedback‑like strings, while “Actress” balances sweet melodies with dramatic pauses and volume surges, ending more as a gradual fade than a conventional finish.Compared with Black Midi’s recent releases—most notably the chaotic, genre‑bending Hellfire and Geordie Greep’s solo effort The New Sound—Picton’s debut feels more approachable without sacrificing artistic curiosity. The album’s constant motion is contained by its acoustic instrumentation, making it easier to love rather than merely admire. It resists standard song structures, defies easy categorisation, and showcases a plethora of unconventional musical ideas, all while wearing its intelligence with a lighter touch.

Israeli airstrikes devastated Lebanon on Wednesday, killing more than 300 people and wounding 1,165 in a span of just 10 minutes. The strikes, which targeted over 100 sites across the country, have been described as one of the deadliest mass killings in Lebanon since the end of the civil war in 1990.Omar Rakha, a survivor, recounted his terrifying experience: he was bleeding and face down on the street when he realized a building next to his in Beirut's Barbour neighborhood had been destroyed by two Israeli bombs. The neighborhood, once considered safe, felt like a war zone.The Israeli military claimed it had targeted Hezbollah 'command and control centers' in the bombing campaign dubbed 'Operation Eternal Darkness.' However, residents and Lebanese officials argue that the strikes mainly killed civilians. Lebanon's prime minister, Nawaf Salam, accused Israel of targeting 'densely populated residential neighborhoods' and killing unarmed civilians in breach of international law.Dr. Ghassan Abu-Sittah, a surgeon at the American University of Beirut Medical College, described the overwhelming influx of wounded, including children pulled from under the rubble. 'The youngest was an 11-month-old. I had to operate on him just to relieve some pressure in the head,' he said.The airstrikes have escalated tensions and raised concerns about the potential for further conflict. The war in Lebanon, which started after Hezbollah launched rockets at Israel on March 2, has left around 1,800 people dead and 5,873 wounded.

For many supporters, the final weeks of the football calendar feel both interminably long and suddenly over. The emotional roller‑coaster is now hitting two very different clubs at opposite ends of the English pyramid.Cambridge United have unexpectedly dropped out of the automatic promotion spots in League Two, just as the run‑in intensifies. Their recent draw against Swindon and a late‑minute error by keeper Jake Eastwood at Cheltenham have left them scrambling for points, with upcoming fixtures against Notts County and league leaders Bromley looming.Meanwhile, Tottenham Hotspur appear to be heading for a relegation battle. A 3‑0 defeat to Nottingham Forest has left them winless in the league since late December, and they sit perilously close to the bottom three as they prepare for a Sunday clash at the Stadium of Light.The club’s turmoil is compounded by the recent appointment of Roberto De Zerbi. While his résumé includes a solitary win in 13 games at Palermo, no victories in nine outings at Benevento, and just two points from five matches at Brighton, his impact at Tottenham remains uncertain. His early apology over comments about Mason Greenwood has done little to soothe a fanbase already on edge.Supporters across the country are feeling the same strain. From West Ham’s uneasy anticipation of a Wolves encounter to Liverpool fans fearing a slip below Everton, the anxiety is universal. Even lower‑league followers—whether in Ipswich, Middlesbrough, Oxford, Leicester, Harrogate, Barrow or Newport—are caught in the same cycle of hope and dread as promotion and playoff hopes hang in the balance.Amid the gloom, a few clubs enjoy relative peace. Fans of Paris Saint‑Germain and Bayern Munich can likely breathe easier, while clubs like Coventry and Lincoln savor modest successes.In the end, the season’s drama underscores a simple truth for football lovers: the joy of the game is inseparable from its inevitable panic, frustration, and the ever‑present possibility of triumph—or heartbreak—just around the corner.

Meta announced the launch of Muse Spark, the debut artificial‑intelligence model from the company’s ambitious "superintelligence" squad that was assembled last year with a multi‑billion‑dollar budget. The team, spearheaded by former Scale AI chief Alex Wang—brought on board in a $14.3 bn acquisition—has been offered compensation packages running into the hundreds of millions to attract top talent. Muse Spark is the first installment of the internally codenamed "Avocado" series. For now, the model is accessible only through Meta’s AI app and website, but Meta says it will soon supplant the existing Llama models that power chatbots on WhatsApp, Instagram, Facebook and the firm’s smart‑glasses lineup. Unlike earlier open releases of Llama, Meta has kept Muse Spark’s architecture details under wraps, offering a private preview to a select group of unnamed partners. In a blog post, Meta described the system as "small and fast by design, yet capable enough to reason through complex questions in science, math and health," positioning it as a solid foundation for future, larger versions. Independent testing shows Muse Spark narrowing the gap with leading models from Google, OpenAI and Anthropic in language and visual comprehension, though it still trails in coding and abstract reasoning tasks. The model placed tied for fourth on a comprehensive AI benchmark compiled by Artificial Analysis. CEO Mark Zuckerberg had previously cautioned investors that early releases would be modest but would demonstrate a "rapid trajectory." Wang echoed this sentiment on social media, acknowledging "rough edges" that will be refined over time and confirming that bigger variants are already in development, with some slated for open release. Beyond performance metrics, Meta hinted at commercial ambitions, embedding shopping suggestions directly into its AI chatbot to guide users toward purchasable items. With over 3.5 billion active users across its platforms, the company hopes AI‑driven personal tasks will boost engagement and create a competitive edge over rivals with smaller user bases. Practical use‑cases highlighted include estimating meal calories from a photo, virtually placing a mug on a shelf via augmented reality, and a new "Contemplating Mode" that runs multiple agents simultaneously—mirroring advanced reasoning features seen in Google’s Gemini Deep Think and OpenAI’s GPT‑Pro. Meta says this mode could, for example, help a family plan a vacation by having one agent draft an itinerary while another scouts kid‑friendly activities.

The UK government has pledged £380 million to accelerate the build‑out of a new battery factory in Somerset that will supply Jaguar Land Rover (JLR) with cells for its forthcoming electric Range Rover and Jaguar models. The plant, operated by Tata’s battery subsidiary Agratas, was highlighted during a site visit by Business Secretary Peter Kyle, who emphasized the grant’s role in safeguarding jobs and driving economic growth. When fully operational, the gigafactory is projected to employ 4,200 workers and deliver up to 40 GWh of battery capacity annually—enough for hundreds of thousands of electric vehicles. It will become the UK’s second high‑volume battery facility after the Chinese‑owned AESC plant in Sunderland. Construction remains in its early stages, with only a steel frame erected so far. Although the original timetable targeted production start‑up in 2026, delays have pushed the expected commencement to the end of 2027. Agratas has reduced the footprint of the first building but claims the change reflects more efficient process design rather than a cut‑back in output. JLR, the nation’s largest automotive employer, had planned to launch its electric Range Rover in 2025, but the debut has slipped to 2026 and the vehicle is still not on sale. The postponement follows a broader trend of EV manufacturers worldwide scaling back or postponing battery projects after over‑optimistic forecasts of rapid consumer migration from petrol. Recent spikes in petrol prices—spurred by geopolitical tensions linked to Donald Trump’s war in Iran—could make electric cars more appealing, potentially justifying the sizeable capital commitments required for a transition to EV production. Until the Somerset facility becomes operational, JLR will continue to source batteries from AESC. That arrangement was confirmed last year by investment bank Société Générale, though references to JLR have since been removed from public statements. In addition to the battery grant, Tata previously secured a £500 million pledge to modernise its Welsh steelworks with electric arc furnaces, underscoring the government’s broader push for greener industrial capacity. Peter Kyle said the investment, alongside other automotive research initiatives announced on the same day, would “boost economic growth, secure jobs and put more money in people’s pockets.” He added that the UK’s “modern industrial strategy” provides the stability needed for long‑term planning. Earl Wiggins, Agratas’s vice‑president for UK manufacturing, welcomed the funding, noting it will enable the company to “deliver net‑zero goals and strengthen the UK’s position as a global leader in battery manufacturing.” He projected that over 2,200 staff would be on‑site within the next year, with further growth thereafter.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.