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Indonesia formally received the coffins of three United Nations peacekeepers who lost their lives in southern Lebanon as Israel intensified its invasion, a development that underscores the expanding regional fallout of the US‑Israel war on Iran. On Saturday, uniformed officers carried the bodies into a solemn ceremony attended by President Prabowo Subianto. Following the tribute, Foreign Minister Sugiono urged a comprehensive UN inquiry into the fatalities, stressing that "incidents like this should not happen" and calling for a security guarantee for peacekeeping troops. The three soldiers—Farizal Rhomadhon (28), Zulmi Aditya Iskandar (33) and Muhammad Nur Ichwan (26)—were members of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). Rhomadhon was killed when a projectile, later attributed by a UN source to fire from an Israeli tank, detonated near his position. A day later, Iskandar and Ichwan perished in an explosion that struck a UNIFIL logistics convoy. Family members expressed deep sorrow. Iskandar’s father, Iskandarudin (60), told reporters from West Java that the loss was especially painful because the troops were deployed for peace, not combat. The government announced that the trio will be interred on Sunday and pledged financial assistance to their families, reflecting Indonesia’s commitment to support the bereaved. In a related incident, UNIFIL reported that three additional peacekeepers were wounded in a blast at a facility near Adeisse; the cause of that explosion remains unidentified, though the injured were confirmed to be Indonesian. Indonesia’s foreign ministry has called on the UN Security Council to convene an urgent meeting of troop‑contributing nations to review and strengthen protection measures for UNIFIL personnel. The tragedy occurs against the backdrop of a broader conflict: the US‑Israel offensive against Iran has spilled into Lebanon after Hezbollah, aligned with Tehran, launched rockets following the assassination of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February. Israeli forces have been bombarding Lebanon for weeks, aiming to establish a 30 km (≈18.6 mi) security zone along the border. Key takeaway: The loss of Indonesian peacekeepers highlights the heightened risks faced by UN missions in volatile theaters and intensifies calls for stronger international safeguards amid escalating Middle‑East hostilities.

At the start of 2026 Pakistan was sitting on a surplus of imported liquefied natural gas (LNG). Three consecutive years of falling demand – from a peak of 8.2 million tonnes in 2021 to 6.1 million tonnes by late 2025 – were driven by cheap solar panels and reduced industrial activity. The government responded by quietly selling excess cargoes abroad and shutting down domestic wells to avoid over‑pressurising pipelines. Any gas that could not be diverted would have been pushed into household networks at a loss, adding billions to the sector’s crippling debt. Everything changed on 28 February when the United States and Israel launched the "Epic Fury" operation against Iran. The strikes killed Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and targeted missile sites, air defences and military infrastructure. Iran retaliated with hundreds of missiles and drones, choking traffic through the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint for roughly 20 % of global oil and gas. As part of its retaliation, Iranian drones hit Qatar’s Ras Laffan Industrial City on 2 March, the world’s largest LNG export hub. Qatar, the second‑largest LNG exporter after the United States, declared force majeure and halted all production, releasing it from contractual delivery obligations. The fallout was immediate. Qatar’s forced shutdown cut its LNG output by 17 % and disrupted the supply chain that fuels Pakistan, which sources almost all of its imported gas from Qatar and the United Arab Emirates. Pakistan’s LNG arrivals plummeted from 12 shipments in January to just two in March. Monthly cargo data from the Oil and Gas Regulatory Authority (OGRA) show that the country received between eight and twelve shipments a month through 2025, but only two arrived after the conflict began. Price pressure followed. On 13 February state‑owned Pakistan State Oil and Pakistan LNG Limited bought eight cargoes at an average of $10.47 per MMBtu (totaling $257.1 million). By 12 March the two cargoes that did arrive cost $12.49 per MMBtu – a 19 % increase in just one month. Long‑term contracts have left Pakistan with little flexibility. Two government‑to‑government agreements with Qatar, spanning 15 and 10 years, commit the country to nine shipments a month. Even as domestic demand fell – LNG’s share of Asian markets dropped from ~30 % in 2020 to ~18 % in 2025 – the contracts remained binding. Solarisation has been a double‑edged sword. By 2025 Pakistan installed 34 GW of solar capacity, with about 25 GW feeding the national grid, driving an 11 % decline in overall electricity demand between 2022 and 2025. Gas‑fired power plants built for imported LNG are now under‑utilised, especially during daylight hours. Analysts warn that the surplus was predictable. “Pakistan’s energy planning has been locked into long‑term contracts with little room for adjustment,” says Haneea Isaad of the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis (IEEFA). The resulting circular debt now stands at 3.3 trillion rupees (≈ $11 billion), and the government is negotiating to off‑load 177 unwanted shipments worth $5.6 billion through 2031. With Qatar’s LNG shipments effectively halted, the country faces a potential shortfall of more than 21 % of its power generation capacity. The National Electric Power Regulatory Authority confirmed that LNG supplies are under force majeure, while coal imports from South Africa and Indonesia continue. To mitigate the gap, Pakistan is reviving domestic gas production that had been throttled during the surplus period. Roughly 350–400 million cubic feet per day of domestic gas were previously held back for LNG imports, now being released to the grid. Nevertheless, analysts caution that even with restored domestic gas, imported coal and hydropower, “the energy shortage may persist, especially during the peak summer months.” Summer pressure is already building. The State of Industry Report 2025 recorded peak electricity demand of over 33,000 MW last summer, while winter demand sits around 15,000 MW, helped by solar generation of 9,000–10,000 MW daily. Furnace oil, the primary backup fuel, now costs 35 rupees per unit (≈ $0.12), more than double since the Strait of Hormuz disruption. Consumers with grid electricity face higher bills and possible outages; industrial users reliant on gas risk production cuts; those equipped with rooftop solar and battery storage are best insulated. “Returning to the spot market is unlikely given Pakistan’s dire financial position, and competing with wealthier nations would price the country out,” Isaad warns. “The realistic outcome may be planned load‑shedding of two to three hours daily.”

Iranian footballer Mona Hamoudi had one ambition when she boarded the flight to Australia for the Women’s Asian Cup: to play well. However, the tournament became a test of her skills, patience, and ability to make difficult decisions under enormous pressure.Hamoudi, a 32-year-old midfielder, was part of the Iranian national squad that travelled to Australia in early March. The trip unravelled into one of the most scrutinised episodes in the history of Iranian women’s sport. The squad had remained silent during the national anthem ahead of their Asia Cup opener against South Korea on March 2, two days after the United States and Israel went to war with Iran and killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.Their silence was perceived by some as a protest against the Iranian government, and Iran’s state television branded the women as “traitors”. The players sang the anthem at their next two matches, but fears for their safety grew further after it was reported in the media that they were being monitored by Iranian government and football officials.Following Iran’s elimination at the group stage, five players – Hamoudi among them – claimed asylum and were granted humanitarian visas by the Australian authorities. However, after the rest of the squad left Australia on March 10, five of the seven later reversed course and said they would return to Iran – including Hamoudi.Hamoudi and teammate Zahra Sarbali describe the decision to return to Iran as inseparable from a sense of duty; to family, teammates, and “national obligation”, rather than a purely free choice made in calm and safety. They faced harassment and constant following from media and social media, and the expectations and pressure from the Iranian-Australian community.The journey back to Tehran was marked by fear and tension, with the media attention that had followed them throughout the tournament only intensifying once they were back in Iran. The football federation offered formal support, and the players appeared on national television after their return and resumed training as normal.On March 19, the team were met in Tehran with a hero’s welcome from the public, with several thousand people gathering in Valiasr Square, many holding Iranian flags. However, fears remain over the consequences for their careers and how their every future action might be interpreted.Maryam Irandoust, a former head coach of the Iranian women’s national team, said these experiences will carry a psychological weight onto the pitch, directly affecting performances in training and in matches. Adel Ferdosipour, a veteran Iranian sports journalist, warned that any punishment of the players could deter future footballers from representing Iran.

Iraq is facing a balancing act as the US-Israeli war on Iran exposes deep divisions within the country. The conflict has highlighted the divisions between those who view the attacks on Iran as a means to end Tehran's longstanding influence over Iraqi politics and those who are loyal to the Islamic republic. The war has struck Iraq during a precarious power vacuum, following the stepping aside of caretaker leader Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, whose coalition won the largest share of seats in November's parliamentary elections. This power vacuum has exacerbated tensions, with factions from the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, an umbrella body of Iran-backed armed groups, vowing to drag the US into a long war of attrition. The group has claimed responsibility for numerous drone and missile attacks on targets in Iraq and neighboring countries, including the US base in Erbil and the city's international airport. In response, unclaimed airstrikes attributed to US and Israeli forces have hit positions across the country, killing several commanders and fighters. Iraqi leaders are attempting to maintain a balancing act, denouncing the killing of Iran's supreme leader Ali Khamenei while rejecting attempts by Tehran to draw Iraq into the conflict. However, this balancing act is complicated by the fact that pro-Iran groups are also members of the Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU), a sprawling institution that operates with its own agenda. The conflict has significant implications for Iraq's stability and economy, with a looming financial disaster hanging over the country due to the crisis over the strait of Hormuz and the loss of oil revenue. The US pressure and threat of sanctions have forced some members of the pro-Iran Shia alliance in Iraq's parliament to distance themselves from more militant factions. The killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, has also had a profound impact on the Iraqi resistance factions, which have struggled to respond effectively to the recent war. The insider close to the pro-Iran factions noted that the killing of Nasrallah has affected the Iraqi resistance factions more than the killing of Khamenei, as Nasrallah had a direct appeal to many commanders.

Rumors surrounding the health of Mojtaba Khamenei, a prominent figure in Iran, have sparked speculation about the potential impact on the country's trajectory. However, analysts suggest that Iran's overall direction is unlikely to change significantly regardless of the outcome. The speculation about Mojtaba Khamenei's health has garnered significant attention, but experts argue that the country's political landscape is robust enough to withstand such developments. Iran's political structure and policies are deeply ingrained, reducing the likelihood of drastic shifts in response to individual events or changes in leadership. The stability of Iran's political system is a key factor in maintaining the country's trajectory. Despite rumors and speculation, the fundamental pillars of Iran's governance and strategic direction remain intact, ensuring continuity in its policies and actions on the global stage.

Thousands of Iranians assembled in Tehran for the funeral of senior IRGC naval commander Alireza Tangsiri, who was killed in an Israeli strike, vowing steadfast resistance even as the United States issued stark warnings.The ceremony took place on the 47th anniversary of the Islamic Republic, a milestone that marks the 1979 revolution that ended the centuries‑old monarchy.This year’s commemoration carries added weight as the capital endures relentless U.S.-Israeli bombardments that began on February 28."This war has lasted a month. No matter how long it takes, we will keep fighting," declared Moussa Nowruzi, a 57‑year‑old pensioner, adding, "We will resist until the end."Among the mourners, a young boy brandished a sign reading "Revenge", while massive Iranian flags fluttered as crowds filled Enghelab Square, the heart of the city named after the revolution.Chants of "God is greatest, Khamenei is the supreme leader" echoed through the square, and a man was seen sobbing in the arms of a woman dressed in black.Participants also honored relatives lost in the conflict, their faces displayed on placards, as Tangsiri’s coffin was carried slowly through the gathering.Tangsiri, one of the IRGC’s longest‑serving senior officers, was credited with orchestrating the closure of the Strait of Hormuz to vessels aligned with the United States and Israel during the ongoing war.Later that day, U.S. President Donald Trump addressed the nation on television, reiterating that the war was inevitable and that America intended to "finish the job" in Iran.Trump previously claimed that Iran’s president had sought a truce—a statement Tehran denied—and warned that bombardments would continue until the Hormuz waterway was "open, free, and clear."Funeral attendees dismissed the president’s threats. "We have heard Trump say things that even the American public finds confusing," said Homa Vosoogh, 36, adding, "His statements do not affect us."Government employee Mohammad Saleh Momeni echoed the sentiment, asserting that Trump "cannot translate his words into action" and reaffirming their loyalty to Iran’s leadership.While the United States and Israel initially framed their campaign as a push for regime change, Trump’s stance has since wavered.According to the report, air strikes have claimed the life of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who led Iran for 36 years, yet the governing structure remains functional, retaining its missile and drone capabilities.Portraits of the late leader and his son Mojtaba Khamenei, who has yet to appear publicly, dominate public spaces throughout Tehran."They believe killing our commanders will weaken us, but it will not," Momeni asserted, describing the adversaries’ misconceptions.Despite a wave of anti‑government protests that peaked in January, a segment of the population continues to harbor hopes for political reform.

Beirut, Lebanon – On 24 March, Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi announced that Iran’s ambassador to Lebanon, Mohammad Reza Sheibani, was declared persona non grata and ordered to depart by 29 March. Two days after the deadline, the envoy remained in Beirut, refusing to leave. The episode unfolds against a broader conflict that has already claimed more than 1,000 lives and displaced over 1.2 million people within a single month of Israeli military action in Lebanon. It also highlights a deepening schism in Lebanese politics between supporters of the pro‑Iranian Shia militia Hezbollah and those demanding its disarmament. Imad Salamey, a political scientist at the Lebanese American University, told Al Jazeera that the ambassador’s defiance is a symptom of a larger contest over legitimacy and authority. IRGC’s Strategic Role Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) helped forge Hezbollah in 1982 as a response to Israel’s invasion. Over the decades, Tehran’s billions of dollars in funding elevated Hezbollah to Lebanon’s most powerful political and military force. Hezbollah’s popularity peaked in 2000 after driving Israeli forces from south Lebanon, but subsequent engagements—including the 2006 war, the 2008 Beirut street battles, the Syrian civil war, and the 2019 domestic protests—have eroded its broader support. When Hezbollah entered open conflict with Israel on 8 October 2023, it enjoyed limited backing beyond the Shia community. By the November 2024 cease‑fire, the group was at a low point, with Israel having killed more than 4,000 Lebanese, including leader Hassan Nasrallah and much of Hezbollah’s command. International pressure then mounted for Hezbollah’s disarmament, prompting Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and President Joseph Aoun to prioritize the issue. According to several analysts, the IRGC exploited the cease‑fire lull to dispatch officials to Lebanon, restructuring Hezbollah’s command and possibly ordering its re‑entry into the war on 2 March—just days after Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was assassinated. Prime Minister Salam has publicly claimed the IRGC is “managing the military operation in Lebanon” and even accused Tehran of launching an attack on Cyprus. Ambassador Refuses to Exit In response to the perceived IRGC influence, Raggi’s declaration stripped Sheibani of diplomatic immunity. Dania Arayssi, senior analyst at the New Lines Institute, described the move as a “landmark decision” given Iran’s entrenched role in Lebanese politics. Iran’s Foreign Ministry, however, maintains that Sheibani will not depart, and Hezbollah has openly pledged to protect him, warning that any government attempt to disarm the militia will be met with “punishment.” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri—longtime Hezbollah ally—initially backed the government’s ban on Hezbollah’s military activity after the March re‑entry, illustrating the fluidity of alliances within Lebanon’s power‑sharing system. State Authority Tested Hezbollah’s renewed campaign, which includes dozens of cross‑border attacks and direct engagements with Israeli forces on Lebanese soil, is reshaping the political calculus. The militia’s revived confidence challenges the Lebanese government’s ability to enforce disarmament. While the ambassador remains protected inside the Iranian diplomatic compound—effectively beyond the reach of Lebanese law—critics argue that Tehran’s refusal to honor the expulsion order undermines the state’s authority, already weakened by months of war. Salamey summed up the dilemma: “The state is asserting its authority on paper, but internal divisions and competing claims of legitimacy constrain its practical power, testing the limits of Lebanon’s fragile power‑sharing arrangement.”

The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) released a stark assessment on Tuesday, projecting that a four‑week US‑Israel conflict with Iran could slash Arab regional GDP by 3.7 % to 6 %. In monetary terms, the loss translates to a contraction of $120 billion to $194 billion, marking one of the deepest economic shocks in recent Middle‑East history. UNDP’s regional director, Abdallah Al Dardari, warned that the downturn would likely eliminate 3.7 million jobs and drive around four million additional people below the poverty line. He described the situation as exposing the “fragility of the Arab economy.” The analysis is based on a scenario of a “short but intense conflict lasting for four weeks.” Should hostilities extend beyond that window, the economic fallout could be even more severe, especially as Iran’s attacks on Gulf energy infrastructure tighten oil and gas flows through the Strait of Hormuz. Amid tightening supplies, Brent crude futures surged 4.7 % to over $118 per barrel. The report highlighted that disruptions to “strategic maritime corridors” generate “knock‑on effects on inflation, trade flows, and global supply chains,” threatening the livelihoods of interconnected economies across the region. Poverty spikes are expected to be most pronounced in the Levant and in “fragile” states such as Sudan and Yemen, where baseline vulnerability is already high and economic shocks translate quickly into welfare losses. Lebanon faces a compounded crisis after Hezbollah’s retaliatory strikes against Israel, following the US‑Israeli killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February. Ongoing air strikes, evacuation orders, and widespread destruction of residential areas, transport networks, and public services have triggered large‑scale displacement. Al Dardari concluded with a plea: “We hope the fighting will stop tomorrow, as every day of delay has negative repercussions on the global economy.”

The recent dynamics between the United States and Israel have sparked concerns about their unintended impact on Iran's influence in the Middle East. Critics argue that the aggressive stance taken by these countries may inadvertently play into Iran's hands, potentially bolstering its position. Iran, under the leadership of Ayatollah Khamenei, has been navigating complex geopolitical relationships. The country's strategic interests and diplomatic maneuvers are often scrutinized for their implications on regional stability. The policies pursued by the US and Israel have been criticized for their potential to galvanize support for Iran among its allies and within the Muslim world. This could lead to a strengthening of Iran's influence, both diplomatically and economically. Experts suggest that a nuanced approach to Iran's geopolitical role is necessary, one that considers the long-term consequences of current policies. The international community remains watchful, as shifts in Iran's influence could have far-reaching implications for global politics and security.