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NASA unveiled a historic photograph showing Earth disappearing behind the Moon’s edge, taken by the Artemis II crew aboard the Orion capsule during a record‑setting lunar flyby. The image, dubbed “Earthset,” arrives more than 57 years after the famed Apollo 8 Earthrise shot that first revealed our planet from lunar orbit.The four‑person crew—American astronauts Reid Wiseman, Christina Koch, Victor Glover and Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen—captured the view on April 6, 2026, deliberately echoing Bill Anders’ December 1968 photograph. Their mission, part of NASA’s broader Artemis program, is designed to lay the groundwork for a 2028 crewed Moon landing.After sharing the image on X, the White House highlighted its significance, noting it as “the first photo from the far side of the Moon, showing humanity from the other side.” The administration also posted a separate NASA picture of a solar eclipse observed during the flyby, describing it as “a view few in human history have ever witnessed.”Beyond the Earthset, the Artemis II astronauts have provided detailed observations of lunar topography and reported witnessing a solar eclipse when the Moon passed in front of the Sun—an event rarely seen from that perspective.The original Earthrise photograph, taken during Apollo 8’s ten lunar orbits, has been celebrated as one of the most influential images ever captured, featuring in Life magazine’s 2003 compilation “100 Photographs That Changed the World.” The new Earthset image adds a contemporary counterpart, reinforcing the enduring power of space photography to shape public perception of Earth’s place in the cosmos.

As the cost of living crisis continues to bite, finding ways to lower your grocery bill has become more important than ever. Retail workers are sharing their insider knowledge on how to save money at supermarkets, street markets, and charity shops.Be Savvy About Store DiscountsMany supermarkets offer yellow-stickered items that are reduced in price due to nearing their expiration dates. These discounts can be significant, with reductions of up to 75% off. Alasdair Baker, who runs The Penny Pincher, advises shopping for these items in the late afternoon or early evening when the biggest reductions are typically applied.View image in fullscreenTiming matters … you’ll find the biggest reductions on yellow-sticker items in the late afternoon and early evening. Be AppySome grocery stores use apps such as Too Good To Go and Olio to offer discounts or free food to avoid food waste – but it can be a gamble as to what you get.Use Common SenseIf you buy something reduced on the day it is expiring, that doesn’t mean you need to eat it that day. There is a difference between “best before” dates, which are about food quality and the more important “use by” dates, which are about food safety.Be Cautious About ‘Bogof’ Deals“There aren’t as many buy one, get one free [bogof] deals now, because of new rules that came into place last year,” says Baker. These restrict promotions of products high in fat, sugar or salt.Avoid Big BrandsThe ends of supermarket aisles often feature big brands, says Baker. “They are not placed there randomly: the companies pay an awful lot of money. The idea is to try to coax people into buying those products more often.”Sign Up for a Store Card“It’s sad that we now have to essentially sell our data to the supermarkets in exchange for affordability – but such is life in 2026,” says Jenny Rogers. “If you have a store card, it is also worth getting the supermarket app, as a lot of stores will give you one or two personalised offers a week, or periodic free delivery for members.

It's been 20 years since the passing of Muriel Spark, a celebrated Scottish novelist, short story writer, poet, and essayist. With a career spanning over two decades, Spark left an indelible mark on literature with her 22 novels, which are characterized by their uncanny, astute, and witty storytelling. James Bailey, author of the biography Like a Cat Loves a Bird: The Nine Lives of Muriel Spark, provides a guide to Spark's oeuvre, highlighting her unique narrative style. A typical Spark novel begins by introducing an enclosed community, such as nuns, schoolgirls, or desert island castaways, filled with gossip, deceptions, and conflicts. This setup is then disrupted by a dramatic event, like a murder or scandal, allowing Spark to explore the consequences. For readers new to Spark's work, Memento Mori (1959) is a great starting point. This darkly comic novel follows a cast of bickering pensioners who receive anonymous phone calls with the ominous message: 'Remember you must die.' The novel raises questions about mortality, fear, and the human condition. Spark's debut novel, The Comforters (1957), is a remarkable example of her innovative storytelling. The protagonist, Caroline Rose, believes she can hear the clanking typewriter keys of an entity she calls the Typing Ghost, which dictates the events of her life. This novel showcases Spark's ability to blend diabolism, diamond-smuggling, and supernatural elements. One of Spark's most famous novels, The Prime of Miss Jean Brodie, is known for its quotable lines, such as 'Give me a girl at an impressionable age and she is mine for life.' This novel explores themes of favouritism, fascism, and the seductive power of belonging. Spark considered The Driver's Seat (1970) her finest achievement, describing it as her creepiest work. This novel follows Lise, a protagonist whose holiday romance takes a dark and unexpected turn. Spark's works often explored the contrast between public personas and private lives. Her 1968 novel, The Public Image, is a prime example, delving into the world of a film star struggling to maintain her reputation amidst paparazzi and self-absorbed relationships. Spark's short stories, collected in her Complete Short Stories, offer a glimpse into her versatility as a writer. These tales often feature unquiet spirits and explore themes of mortality, guilt, and redemption.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

János Bődey's photograph of two elderly ladies dressed as bride and groom in a Hungarian retirement home has captured the essence of joy and love in old age. The image is part of his series Carnival at the Retirement Home, which showcases the fulfilling lives of pensioners who have overcome difficulties.In Hungary, the average pension is approximately £500 a month, making it challenging for retirees to afford leisure, culture, or travel. Additionally, the health of Hungarian pensioners often falls short of Western standards, and securing a spot in a retirement home can be a lengthy process.Bődey's subjects, Magdolna, 87, and Irén, 86, have lived with their husbands for over 50 and 62 years, respectively, until their spouses passed away. They attribute their long and happy lives to a combination of good genes, an active lifestyle, and a healthy marriage.The photographer's series aims to serve as a role model for both peers and the middle generation, demonstrating that it's possible to lead a fulfilling life in old age. The elderly ladies recommend a healthy, active life with plenty of walking and traveling, as well as avoiding debt.Bődey's work is a departure from his usual coverage of conflicts and social issues. He finds inspiration in the happiness and playfulness of the carnival celebrations, which begin in February to mark the end of winter.The photographer's experience has taught him the importance of preparing for retirement by gathering emotional and financial resources, setting goals, and being creative. His series has been shortlisted for the Sony World Photography Awards 2026 and will be exhibited at Somerset House in London from April 17 to May 4.

Iran has warned that Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates could become new targets if the United States proceeds with attacks on Iranian civilian infrastructure, according to a statement cited by the Tasnim news agency. The warning came late on Tuesday, as U.S. President Donald Trump issued an ultimatum demanding Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz by 00:00 GMT (3:30 a.m. Tehran time) on Wednesday, threatening to "destroy a whole civilisation" if the demand is not met. Closing the strategic waterway would further destabilise the global oil market, already rattled by the ongoing blockade of Gulf oil exports. In response, Iran’s First Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref affirmed the country’s readiness for any scenario, stating on X that national security and infrastructure sustainability have been meticulously calculated and that “no threat is beyond our preparedness and intelligence.” Meanwhile, U.S. forces intensified strikes on Iranian targets, hitting railway and road bridges, an airport, a petrochemical plant, and the Kharg Island oil export terminal. Gulf states on high alert Regional authorities have taken precautionary measures: Bahrain’s Khalifa Bin Salman Port announced a temporary suspension of operations from early April 8, and the U.S. State Department issued a shelter‑in‑place order for American citizens in Bahrain, alongside travel advisories for the Hajj pilgrimage and for Riyadh. Kuwait’s Ministry of Interior imposed a curfew from 12 a.m. to 6 a.m. (GMT 21:00–03:00) as a precaution, while the King Fahd Causeway linking Saudi Arabia and Bahrain was closed twice on Tuesday due to alerts in Saudi Arabia’s eastern region. Israel warned its citizens of a likely surge in attacks as the deadline approaches, citing the Karish and Tanin offshore gas fields as potential targets. Explosions and rocket fire were reported across the region, including near a U.S. diplomatic facility in Baghdad, in the Iraqi capital, and over Bahrain and the UAE. The UAE’s Ministry of Defence confirmed that its air defences are currently engaging missile and drone attacks from Iran, and Qatar’s Ministry of Defence reported intercepting a missile aimed at its territory. These developments underscore a rapidly escalating security environment in the Middle East, with the potential to impact global energy supplies and international trade.

The metal music scene has witnessed a surge in popularity of masked bands, with many notable acts donning elaborate masks as part of their stage presence. This trend is not only visually striking but also allows the bands to create a sense of mystery and anonymity. For bands like Imperial Triumphant, Gaerea, Sleep Token, Ghost, and Gwar, their masks have become an integral part of their image and artistry.Imperial Triumphant, an avant-garde metal band from the US, chose to wear striking gold masks modeled after 1920s art deco architecture. These masks brought their own set of problems, including getting lost in transit. The band's singer/guitarist, Zachary Ezrin, notes that the masks add a layer of complexity to their music, allowing them to tap into different parts of their personalities.Gaerea, a Portuguese black metal band, has also adopted the trend of wearing masks. Lead singer Alpha notes that the mask allows him to get into a different mode in his psyche, similar to how athletes get into a trance-like state during intense physical activity. The band's masks are not just for show; they also help to create a sense of anonymity, allowing the band to focus on their music rather than their individual identities.The use of masks in metal music is not a new phenomenon. Bands like Gwar and Slipknot have been using masks for decades, and their influence can be seen in many modern metal bands. However, the current trend of masked bands goes beyond just shock value; it's about creating a sense of mystery and artistry.The masks also allow bands to create elaborate mythologies and universes that fans can engage with. For example, Ghost poses as a subversive, devil-worshipping church, while Sleep Token's songs are ostensibly about their devotion to a god called Sleep. These mythologies help to create a sense of depth and complexity, drawing fans into the band's world.Despite the challenges of performing in masks, many bands find that it allows them to access new parts of their personalities and create a more immersive experience for their fans. As Ezrin notes, "I love the presentation of Imperial Triumphant... Even in 2026, when there are a million masked bands out there, I'd say we're still unique."

The UK has witnessed a significant surge in online sextortion attempts reported by children, with a record 394 cases in 2025, representing a 34% increase from the previous year. The majority of victims, 98%, were boys aged 14 to 17.Sextortion involves a person being manipulated into sending explicit selfies or videos to a predator, who then threatens to publish them online unless the victim sends money or further intimate images. This crime has been linked to the suicides of several British teenagers who have taken their own lives after receiving extortion threats.Campaigners, including the Molly Rose Foundation and the Internet Watch Foundation, are calling on tech companies to take more decisive action to disrupt blackmail attempts. They argue that social media platforms, where initial grooming of victims often occurs, should introduce nudity-detection technology to prevent the spread of explicit content.The parents of 16-year-old Murray Dowey, who took his own life after being duped by criminals online, are suing Meta, the owner of Instagram and Facebook, for allegedly failing to implement adequate safeguards. The company continues to challenge the suit.The Report Remove service, which allows children to flag intimate images or videos that have appeared or could appear online, reported a 66% increase in under-18s seeking help in 2025, with 1,175 out of 1,894 reports classified as child sexual abuse material.Tech companies, including Google and Apple, have invested in protections against sextortion, but campaigners argue that more needs to be done. Google has implemented sensitive content warnings in its messaging app, while Apple has a communication safety system that warns under-18s about potentially explicit content.