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Pakistan dispatched a mixed fleet of fighter and support aircraft to King Abdulaziz Air Base in Saudi Arabia’s Eastern Province on Saturday, marking the first visible military action under the mutual defence agreement signed in September 2025. The Saudi Ministry of Defence confirmed the landing, noting the deployment aligns with the collective defence clause that obliges each signatory to treat an attack on the other as an attack on itself. At the same time, Islamabad is hosting direct US‑Iran negotiations aimed at halting weeks of regional fighting triggered by Iran’s missile and drone strikes on Gulf targets after the US‑Israeli killing of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei on 28 February. Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar told reporters he personally warned Iranian leaders in early March that Pakistan must honour its obligations to Riyadh. Tehran, seeking assurances that Saudi soil would not be used for attacks against it, received such guarantees, Dar added. Despite these diplomatic overtures, Iranian attacks on Saudi facilities – including key bases and a US embassy building – have persisted. In early March, Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir, flew to Riyadh to discuss measures to curb Iranian strikes within the framework of the defence pact. Four days before the jet deployment, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif phoned Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, pledging that Pakistan would stand “shoulder to shoulder” with Saudi Arabia. The two leaders also agreed to accelerate a $5 billion Saudi investment package earmarked for Pakistan. Saudi Finance Minister Mohammed al‑Jadaan met Sharif, Dar and Munir in Islamabad on Saturday, underscoring the economic dimension of the partnership. Saudi Arabia hosts roughly 2.5 million Pakistani workers, whose remittances are vital to Pakistan’s fragile economy, and has repeatedly provided financial assistance. Security analyst Imtiaz Gul told Al Jazeera the deployment was not intended as a military escalation but as a “messaging tool” to remind Tehran of Pakistan’s treaty obligations. “Three jets won’t make much of a difference militarily,” he said, noting Saudi Arabia’s own sizable air force. Michael Kugelman, senior fellow for South Asia at the Atlantic Council, described the move as “a risky gambit.” He warned that if Iran refuses concessions, Pakistan could be drawn closer to Saudi Arabia, potentially invoking the defence pact in a renewed conflict.

Benin is set to choose a new head of state on Sunday, April 12, 2026, in an election that appears to favor the governing coalition’s nominee, finance minister Romuald Wadagni. The 49‑year‑old, a former Deloitte executive, has been hand‑picked by outgoing President Patrice Talon, who is constitutionally barred from seeking a third term after a decade in power. With roughly eight million eligible voters on the rolls, the contest requires a candidate to secure more than 50 % of the vote; otherwise a runoff would be scheduled for May 10. In practice, only two names appear on the ballot: Wadagni, representing the Progressive Union Renewal‑Republican Bloc alliance, and Paul Hounkpe, the 56‑year‑old former teacher and culture minister who runs under the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin (FCBE) banner. Wadagni’s campaign emphasizes continuity of Talon’s economic reforms. Under Talon, Benin’s budget tripled and the country posted its strongest GDP growth in over twenty years, with the International Monetary Fund estimating a 7 % expansion in 2025. Investment in trade, agriculture and the Cotonou port has driven this performance, though benefits remain uneven, especially in the poorer northern regions. Security concerns dominate the northern frontier, where al‑Qaeda and IS‑linked militias from the Sahel have intensified cross‑border raids. Recent attacks by the JNIM network killed 54 soldiers in 2025 and another 15 in early 2026. A failed coup attempt in December 2025, allegedly motivated by neglect of troops in the north, left about 100 suspects awaiting trial. Wadagni has pledged to create municipal police forces to protect border towns, while Hounkpe warns that the current administration has sidelined citizens despite macro‑economic gains. Beyond economics and security, the election raises questions about Benin’s democratic health. Talon’s government has been criticized for suppressing protests, extending presidential terms from five to seven years, and enabling the president to appoint Senate members—moves that have effectively eliminated opposition representation. In the January parliamentary vote, Talon’s allies captured all 109 seats, and the main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to field a presidential candidate. Observers note that voter turnout will be a key barometer of public sentiment. The last presidential election saw only about 50 % participation. Al Jazeera reporter Ahmed Idris described the atmosphere at a governing‑party rally in Cotonou as “lively,” but cautioned that it may not reflect the broader mood in a nation where democratic space appears to be shrinking. Should Wadagni win, he pledges to build on a decade of “economic transformation,” expanding development hubs and healthcare access while maintaining fiscal discipline. Hounkpe, positioned as a moderate alternative, promises to lower basic commodity prices and secure the release of political prisoners detained under Talon’s rule. The outcome will shape Benin’s trajectory at a critical juncture: balancing sustained economic growth, confronting escalating security threats from the Sahel, and navigating the tension between authoritarian tendencies and the country’s reputation as one of West Africa’s more stable democracies.

Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva used his Friday social‑media post to herald a new security partnership with the United States as a breakthrough in the fight against transnational crime.The agreement links the Brazilian Federal Revenue Service with U.S. Customs and Border Protection, establishing the DESARMA programme. Under DESARMA the two agencies will exchange real‑time data, apply rigorous cargo‑tracking protocols and launch joint operations to intercept illicit shipments of arms and narcotics.Finance Minister Dario Durigan called the collaboration an “important step in strengthening international cooperation”, noting that it will integrate intelligence and joint actions to curb the flow of weapons and drugs between the two nations.The pact is part of President Donald Trump’s broader “Shield of the Americas” initiative, which seeks to enlist right‑wing governments across the Western Hemisphere in a hard‑line campaign against criminal networks.Despite the cooperation, Lula’s administration has pushed back against Washington’s attempts to label Brazilian gangs such as the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) and Comando Vermelho (CV) as foreign terrorist organisations. Lula and Foreign Minister Mauro Vieira have repeatedly asserted Brazil’s sovereignty and warned against external “tutelage”.In the last twelve months Brazil reported seizing 1,168 illegally imported weapons and parts, most of which originated from the U.S. state of Florida, underscoring the scale of the smuggling problem.A statement from the Revenue Service emphasized that the deal will ensure a “continuous flow of information from U.S. authorities to their Brazilian counterparts”, enhancing operational coordination.Relations remain strained: Vieira told U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio that Brazil opposes the terrorist‑label designation, while the Trump administration continues aggressive actions in the region, including lethal strikes on maritime vessels and a controversial raid in Venezuela.Looking ahead, Lula is expected to travel to Washington, D.C., later this year for talks with Trump, providing a diplomatic channel to manage both cooperation and disagreement.

Historic peace talks between Iran and the US commenced in Islamabad, Pakistan, marking the first face-to-face meeting between senior negotiators from both countries since 1979. The discussions, facilitated by Pakistani mediators, took place in a positive atmosphere despite continued fighting in Lebanon.The US delegation, led by Vice-President JD Vance, and Iran's negotiators, headed by Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and Abbas Araghchi, engaged in two rounds of talks. The discussions covered key topics such as security, finance, and the Strait of Hormuz.Pakistani sources confirmed that Pakistan's army chief, Asim Munir, was present in the room, having played a crucial role in brokering a ceasefire earlier in the week. Pakistan's Prime Minister, Shehbaz Sharif, hosted dinner for the delegations at his residence.The Iranian negotiators initially demanded a ceasefire in Lebanon, reparations, and a commitment to unblock frozen assets as part of a peace deal. However, the US warned against attempts to manipulate the negotiations, with Vance stating that the US would not be receptive to such tactics.The talks have sparked optimism, with a senior Pakistani official expressing hope for a breakthrough. The discussions have also drawn attention from other countries, with reports suggesting that China may offer guarantees to secure a deal.Meanwhile, Israel's military actions in Lebanon have escalated tensions, with Hezbollah firing rockets at Israeli cities. The Lebanese army has deployed troops to maintain stability amid internal tensions.

The Caribbean and Latin America are facing a critical moment in their relationship with Cuba, as they succumb to US pressure to expel Cuban doctors. These medical professionals have been a lifeline for many in the region, providing essential healthcare services, particularly in rural and underserved areas. Cuban doctors have been a cornerstone of healthcare in the Caribbean and Latin America, with programs dating back 50 years. However, under pressure from the US, countries such as Guatemala, Honduras, Jamaica, the Bahamas, Antigua and Barbuda, Guyana, and St Vincent and the Grenadines have terminated these agreements. Only St Kitts and Nevis and Trinidad and Tobago have yet to follow. The US has branded these programs "forced labor" and "human trafficking" because the Cuban state retains a share of salaries. However, this ignores the fact that Cuban doctors are trained free of charge by the Cuban government, unlike their counterparts in countries like the UK, who often graduate with significant student debt. The consequences of expelling Cuban doctors are severe. Millions could lose basic healthcare, with Indigenous communities particularly exposed. The region's healthcare systems, already fragile, are being strained, and the poorest will pay the price in untreated illnesses, unattended births, and undiagnosed cancers. Cuba has built a global medical network of more than 50,000 professionals working across dozens of countries, generating billions in foreign revenue and sustaining its economy under embargo. However, US pressure is disrupting this model, and Cuban medical personnel are being withdrawn, cutting off one of the island's few reliable sources of income. The Caribbean and Latin America are complicit in this economic warfare against Cuba. Sanctions restrict trade, finance, fuel, and medicine, shrinking economies, deepening poverty, and punishing citizens rather than governments. In Cuba, the effects are stark: blackouts, shortages, and collapsing productivity. A notable exception is Barbados, whose Prime Minister Mia Mottley has defended Cuba's medical missions and rejected the insinuation of "trafficking." She has made it clear that Barbados will stand by what is right, even at the cost of US punishments, highlighting that sovereignty is not merely constitutional but also moral.

Dallas is positioning itself as a major player in the financial sector, with a bold initiative dubbed 'Y'all Street' aimed at stealing New York's financial crown. The city's aggressive push is backed by significant investments and incentives, including a $700m project by Goldman Sachs to build a new campus that will host over 5,000 staff.The Dallas-Fort Worth metro area has seen its financial sector workforce boom, surging 40% to 386,000 staff over the past decade. This growth has been fueled by multimillion-dollar subsidies and new fast-track business courts, as well as Texas's complete lack of corporation and income tax. Recent wins include a 10-year property tax break and $2.7m in grants that helped convince Scotiabank to relocate from North Carolina, bringing 1,000 jobs to the state.Nasdaq and the NYSE have also launched branches of their stock exchanges in Dallas, while a new Texas stock exchange (TXSE) is set to launch later this year with looser listing rules that are likely to appeal to right-leaning executives. The TXSE has even launched a TV ad campaign targeting New York, with a Texas longhorn shattering Wall Street's famous bull statue.Dallas's mayor, Eric Johnson, is serious about stealing finance jobs from New York, citing policy differences with liberal-leaning cities like New York as a major factor. Johnson's team is actively targeting firms put off by left-leaning policies, with a 10-person delegation sent to New York this month to meet and lure Wall Street executives southward.The city's pitches are intensifying, with a focus on being closer to big business clients and major tech firms that have shifted their center of gravity to Texas. Over the course of the 2020s, Texas surpassed California and became host to the largest number of NYSE-listed and Fortune 500 company headquarters of any American state.However, experts warn that the flood of wealthy bankers may put pressure on poorer families, particularly when it comes to rental prices. The surge in rental prices over the past 15 years has disproportionately hurt lower-income families, with rent eating up more than half their wages. Campaigners are now warning that, without targeted support, inequality across Dallas is likely to grow.To address these concerns, Dallas is trying to rapidly tackle the problem, with initiatives such as slashing parking requirements for new developments and rewriting building regulations to make it easier to push through smaller-scale developments for multi-family buildings.

Some American cities shortlisted to host the 2031 Women's World Cup are contemplating withdrawal due to concerns related to Fifa's management of this summer's World Cup. The cities are exploring alternative options, such as focusing on hosting the 2031 Rugby World Cup instead.There are 40 stadiums on the US Soccer Federation's longlist for potential 2031 Women's World Cup venues, while World Rugby has received expressions of interest from 27 cities featuring 33 stadiums, with 20 stadiums appearing on both lists. Cities like Chicago and Pittsburgh have already declined to enter the running for Women's World Cup hosting rights, reportedly due to concerns about Fifa's financial demands.A source working with one of the cities in question noted that World Rugby is offering greater commercial freedom and has fewer demands regarding access to stadiums. Another source indicated that the Rugby World Cup is likely to be more profitable due to the demographic profile of rugby supporters and their expected spending on match attendance.Fifa delayed confirmation of the 2031 World Cup hosts from the end of this month to an unspecified date this year. The joint proposal from the US, Mexico, Costa Rica, and Jamaica is currently the only bid on the table. Additionally, there are concerns about the US government not providing Fifa with mandatory guarantees regarding obligations on visas, tax, safety, and security.The experience of dealing with Fifa for the upcoming men's World Cup has not been uniformly positive for all cities, with issues such as safety and security costs and public transport problems. World Rugby has announced that it will finance its event and share profits or losses with USA Rugby, rather than requiring hosts to underwrite the tournament.

OECD preliminary figures reveal a 23% decline in international development assistance between 2024 and 2025, the steepest annual fall recorded since the organization began tracking aid.The United States was the primary catalyst, with its official development assistance slashing nearly 57% in 2025, a reduction that accounts for roughly three‑quarters of the overall drop.Total aid from the 34 DAC members fell from $214.6 billion to $174.3 billion. American contributions shrank from about $63 billion in 2024 to just under $29 billion the following year, according to the OECD.Other major donors—including Germany, the United Kingdom, Japan and France—also trimmed their budgets, and only eight DAC countries managed to meet or exceed their 2024 levels.The cuts arrive at a time of heightened global economic and food‑security uncertainty, exacerbated by the ongoing US‑Israeli conflict with Iran.OECD official Carsten Staur described the plunge as “deeply concerning,” urging donors to reverse the trend as humanitarian needs surge. Oxfam’s Development Finance Lead Didier Jacobs warned that wealthy governments are “turning their backs on millions of lives in the Global South” by cutting life‑saving aid while funding conflict.Academic research links the U.S. reductions to a rise in armed conflict across Africa, with the Center for Global Development estimating that the cuts could have caused between 500,000 and 1,000,000 excess deaths in 2025. A Lancet analysis warns that continuing the downward trajectory may result in **over 9.4 million additional deaths by 2030**.Under President Trump, the United States has dismantled the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and pursued a handful of bilateral agreements with African nations that tie aid to mineral access and health data. Simultaneously, the administration is seeking a historic $1.5 trillion military budget for FY2027** and between **$80 billion and $200 billion** for the Iran‑Israel war effort.Analysts and NGOs are calling on DAC members to restore aid levels and reinforce the global humanitarian system, which they say faces its most serious crisis in decades.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.