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Taybeh, a small hilltop town in the heart of the West Bank, is one of the oldest Christian communities in the world. After increasing attacks from Israeli settlers it now feels itself under siege and is fighting for its very existence.The town’s ancient Greek name was Ephraim where, according to the gospels, Jesus hid with his disciples from the Jewish religious hierarchy, the Sanhedrin, before making his final fateful trip to Jerusalem.A church was built here in the fifth century, and the entirely Christian community survived the crusaders, conquest by Salah ad-Din Yusuf ibn Ayyub or Saladin, the Ottoman empire, the British empire, and three Arab-Israeli wars, but its inhabitants say its long-term future is in question.There are four substantial Israeli settlements around Taybeh, and countless unofficial outposts have also sprung up on the steep hills overlooking the Jordan valley. They have been set up by messianic Jews who send their young people, the “hilltop youth”, to harass and intimidate local Palestinians in the surrounding countryside.The relentless land grabs and intimidation is a pattern repeated up and down the West Bank in a campaign the UN has called ethnic cleansing, which has been driven by hardline members of the ruling coalition, the finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, and the national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir.“First they kicked the Bedouin out in the last three years and put up their caravans and bring their cows and sheep. They are using the land without any permission from the owners and from ourselves,” said Fr. Bashar Fawadleh, the parish priest of Christ the Redeemer church.Over the past year, the pressure has been turned up further. In July last year, settlers set fire to the grounds of the fifth–century Byzantine church, St Peter’s. Since then, bands of hilltop youth have raided the town four times, setting fire to cars, slashing tires and smashing windows.The church, part of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, supports small business ventures to provide jobs and builds affordable housing, but the community is still haemorrhaging. Fifteen families have left in the past two years, leaving the current population at about 1,100.After the attack on St Peter’s church in July, the US ambassador, Mike Huckabee, visited the town to condemn what he called “an act of terror” and to appeal for prosecutions.No prosecutions have been reported, and Huckabee has not spoken out over any of the subsequent attacks on Taybeh. A Southern Baptist minister, the ambassador is a fervent supporter of Israel’s territorial claims to the West Bank and beyond, which he argues are divinely ordained.In the West Bank however, the Christian population has shrunk from 5% of the total population in 1967 to roughly 1% today, about 45,000 people.The fierce religious nationalism that the Israeli government has cultivated in recent years has largely been directed at Palestinian Muslims but there has been a rising tide of anti-Christian incidents.Jad Isaac, the director general of the Applied Research Institute-Jerusalem, which tracks the Israeli takeover of land and resources on the West Bank, said: “When Netanyahu says we are the only country which is taking care of the Christians, he’s a liar. He said that in Palestinian Christian communities in the West Bank “the strategy is to make life intolerable”.

PSV Eindhoven were crowned Dutch champions for the 27th time on Sunday, with five matches left in the season. This came after second-placed Feyenoord drew 0-0 with Volendam. The Eindhoven-based team bounced back from successive defeats with a 4-3 victory against Utrecht on Saturday, solidifying their position at the top of the table with a 17-point lead. Under the management of Peter Bosz, PSV quickly took control of the title race this season, dropping just four points before the winter break. This victory marks their third successive title for the first time since 2008. Feyenoord, the previous champions in 2023 under Arne Slot, now managing at Liverpool, were unable to catch up. Meanwhile, Dutch giants Ajax, who sit fifth this season, have gone four years without lifting the trophy. PSV's latest title guarantees them a place in the Champions League league phase next season.

James, the Manchester‑originated nine‑piece, have turned a five‑decade career into a living testament to longevity, headlining arenas while celebrating the surprise success of their 2024 album Yummy, which finally secured a UK No.1 spot 42 years after the band first formed.The group continues to defy conventional touring formulas. Frontman Tim Booth describes their shows as “crazy, idiosyncratic,” with nightly set‑list revisions and unreleased songs that often lack finished lyrics. One such piece, the eight‑minute “Nantucket,” features a wordless chorus, an electro‑violin groove and verses that proclaim a mission to inspire, embodying the band’s experimental spirit.Rather than relying solely on a greatest‑hits marathon, the two‑hour, 21‑song performance weaves in moody interludes, deep‑cut selections, and influences ranging from Brian Eno’s ambient textures to the pulsating beats of Italian house. Lyrical barbs aimed at billionaires and organized religion sit alongside anthemic warmth, creating a communal atmosphere. The opening number “Come Home” subtly nods to Booth’s Leeds roots, while trumpeter Andy Diagram sports a “No more war” T‑shirt, and Booth often reaches out to audience members, reinforcing the show’s inclusive vibe.Driving the rhythm is veteran drummer David Baynton‑Power, complemented by recent additions Chloe Alper and Debbie Knox‑Hewson, who inject fresh sonic layers. Booth, now 66, remains the band’s charismatic talisman, occasionally appearing on a balcony for “Born of Frustration” and the soaring “Say Something,” moments that feel almost ritualistic. Arena‑sized sing‑alongs erupt during “Getting Away With It (All Messed Up)” and the classic “Sit Down,” and when Booth finally dives off the stage, he is hoisted aloft by a sea of hands, underscoring the band’s unique connection with fans.The concert at P&J Live in Aberdeen on 7 April exemplified why James remains a special, brilliant force in live music, continuing a tour that proves their relevance and humanity endure across generations.

An appellate panel in Colorado has ordered a new sentencing hearing for former Mesa County clerk Tina Peters, whose original nine‑year prison term was overturned on procedural grounds. The three‑judge panel ruled that the trial court improperly considered Peters's personal belief in alleged 2020 election fraud when determining her punishment, rendering the sentence invalid. While the conviction for assisting an out‑of‑state actor in accessing and copying Mesa County voting‑machine data remains intact, the court emphasized that the sentence, not the guilt, was flawed. "The trial court’s comments about Peters’s belief in the existence of 2020 election fraud went beyond relevant considerations for her sentencing," the opinion read. Judge Matthew Barrett, who previously described Peters as a “charlatan” peddling “snake‑oil” claims, was specifically cited for remarks that the appeals court deemed extraneous to the sentencing decision. Peters was found guilty in August 2024 of facilitating the theft of election‑system files for a person linked to efforts to overturn former President Donald Trump's 2020 loss. The stolen copies were later disseminated on social media, fueling the broader election‑denial movement. In December, President Trump issued a pardon for Peters. However, the appellate court clarified that a presidential pardon cannot override state convictions, stating, "We have found no instance where the presidential pardon power has been stretched in such a way as to invade an individual state’s sovereignty." Governor Jared Polis of Colorado has hinted at the possibility of clemency, though no formal action has been announced. The case continues to serve as a rallying point for Trump supporters who claim the 2020 election was riddled with fraud, a narrative that persists despite the former president’s re‑election in 2024 and ongoing legal scrutiny.

Peter Whelan and the Irish Baroque Orchestra have returned Handel’s Messiah to Dublin, the city of its 1742 debut, with a landmark recording that is the first period‑instrument rendition by an Irish ensemble. The project seeks to echo the original performance at the Fishamble Street music hall, where audience etiquette was so strict that women were asked to forgo hoop skirts and men to leave their swords at home.The album features a cast of historically informed singers. Helen Charlston delivers the contralto arias once associated with the scandal‑ridden Susannah Cibber, her voice described as firm, slightly metallic and unflaggingly expressive. A rare duet‑and‑chorus version of “How Beautiful Are the Feet,” originally written for two Dublin cathedral countertenors, showcases Alexander Chance in buoyant form, while soprano Hilary Cronin provides a sweet‑sounding contrast.Whelan draws a fleet‑footed performance from a modest 13‑member choir and the orchestra, resulting in vocal lines that are light, precise, and at times almost conversational. Formerly a bassoonist with the orchestra, Whelan is poised to succeed Nicholas McGegan as music director of San Francisco’s Philharmonia Baroque, cementing his status as a rising star in the baroque world.Listeners can stream the recording on Apple Music or Spotify.

The unexpected return of two William Hartnell episodes to the BBC archive has sent shockwaves of excitement through the Whovian community. For the first time since 1965, fans can now enjoy the first quarter of the 12-part adventure 'The Daleks' Master Plan.'The surviving five episodes are now on iPlayer, and the first three make for a stirring introduction to the adventure, with large impressive sets for the Earth control centre and the Dalek ship, contrasting with the dense forbidding foliage of the planet Kembel. Frequent tight closeup shots from director Douglas Camfield on the faces of the cast add to a claustrophobic feel in the jungle sequences.At the time, Hartnell was not to know that within a year he would be 'renewed' as the lead of the show by Patrick Troughton. Hartnell's health problems, reputation for being difficult on set and frequent flubbing of lines during a production schedule that allowed little leeway for second takes has tainted his tenure in the role.Here, especially in the opener, we get to see him in some of his strongest moments as the Doctor. With Stephen (Peter Purves) incapacitated by the poison he picked up in Troy, and Katarina (Adrienne Hill) little more than a hollow vessel of a character, Hartnell has much more to do than usual. The actor gets to show the gleeful side of his nature as he delights at his own invention of the magnetic chair and his ingenuity at repelling – at least initially – boarders to the spaceship.Rediscovering episode one also means we can enjoy beloved children's television presenter Brian Cant flexing his acting chops in something other than Playschool, and all three episodes prominently feature Nicholas Courtney, who would go on to play Brigadier Lethbridge-Stewart for 40 years, as Bret Vyon. A highlight is the Addams family-esque kookiness of the aliens making up the Dalek council, which is certainly preferable to the somewhat cliched prison planet savages set-up of part three.The biggest mystery, of course, is how these episodes have ended up surviving. Film is Fabulous, the people who secured them, have said they are respecting the wishes of the estate of the person who was holding and keeping them anonymous. Perhaps the most intriguing thing is that, given it was never sold overseas, the missing episodes of the Daleks' Master Plan were among the least likely to ever be found, but two episodes were sitting in those film cans all along. Who knows what else might still be out there?

Two long-lost episodes of Doctor Who from the William Hartnell era, which had not been seen since 1965, have been released after being discovered in a private film collection. The episodes, 'The Nightmare Begins' and 'Devil’s Planet', are parts one and three of a mostly lost 12-part adventure called The Daleks’ Master Plan, written by Terry Nation, the creator of the Daleks, and broadcast as part of the third series of Doctor Who in November 1965.The episodes feature Peter Purves as the Doctor’s companion, Stephen. They were recovered by Film is Fabulous, a charitable trust dedicated to securing and preserving private film collections. The original 16mm telerecordings of the two Dalek episodes have been restored and made available on iPlayer in the UK.This discovery marks a significant milestone for fans, as it includes the first appearance of Nicholas Courtney in the show, playing Bret Vyon. Courtney later became a regular character, playing Alistair Gordon Lethbridge-Stewart, known as the Brigadier of Unit. 95 episodes of Doctor Who from the 1960s remain missing from the archives, having been wiped or junked by the BBC during the 1970s.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

The recent visit of Anthropic's CEO Dario Amodei to Canberra has sparked a critical examination of the role of AI in society. Amodei, known for his 'progressive' approach to AI, has been promoting a vision of a future where AI transforms the economy and improves lives. However, the author of the article argues that this vision may not be as progressive as it seems. The risks associated with AI, such as job displacement, cultural homogenization, and potential harm to individuals, cannot be ignored. The article highlights the concerns of experts like Toby Walsh, who notes that AI is both good and bad, and that its impact depends on how it is used and regulated. The author, Peter Lewis, questions his own progressive credentials and argues that the unchecked development of AI threatens to undermine the very notion of progress. He suggests that the government should slow down the development of AI and establish guardrails to prevent its negative consequences. The article cites examples of experts and politicians, such as Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who are calling for a moratorium on the development of new datacenters. The author argues that this cautious approach is necessary to ensure that AI is developed in a way that benefits society as a whole, rather than just a select few. Ultimately, the article concludes that the future of AI must be shaped by a nuanced and informed discussion about its potential risks and benefits. The author argues that only by slowing down the development of AI and establishing clear regulations can we ensure that its impact is truly progressive.