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Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

The ongoing closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial oil and gas shipping route blocked by Iran since the US-Israeli attacks began, is having ripple effects around the world. If the strait remains closed, transport blockages across the Middle East could cause significant shocks to food and medicine supplies in the UK.UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper is hosting a meeting with 35 other countries to discuss reopening the strait. Experts warn that a prolonged closure could lead to food price inflation doubling in England and medicine shortages due to disrupted supply chains.Impact on Food SuppliesProf Tim Lang from City St George's, University of London, warns that 'all bets are off' for food supplies if the crisis continues. Rising fossil fuel prices will impact food transportation and production, as fuel is used to transport food and produce fertilizers and other inputs.The farming sector is already facing problems, with dairy production hit due to delayed fertilizer purchases and salad vegetable and dairy producers facing disruptions. Iranian imports like pistachios and saffron are also affected.Impact on Medicine SuppliesWhile there's no hard evidence of medicine shortages yet, price increases are being seen, which can signal disruptions in the medicine supply chain. Iran does not manufacture many medicines but affects the sector through rising energy costs and transport links between major pharmaceutical-producing countries and the UK.David Weeks from Moody's notes that shortages are driven by delays in petrochemical precursors for active pharmaceutical ingredients. Medicine stockpiles in European countries, including the UK, can last up to six months, but long-term conflicts could lead to more severe shortages.

A blinking fault light on NASA’s Orion spacecraft signalled a malfunction in the Universal Waste Management System (UWMS) just as the historic Artemis II crew began their 10‑day lunar‑orbit mission. Mission control reported the issue was resolved within minutes, stating: “Happy to report that toilet is go for use. We do recommend letting the system get to operating speed before donating fluid, and then letting it run a little bit after donation.”The $30 million (≈£22.6 million) UWMS, years in development, is hailed as a breakthrough in deep‑space sanitation, dramatically improving on the primitive setups used during Apollo. Back then, astronauts used a condom‑like urine collector and a bagged solid‑waste system that was prone to leaks and even produced “a turd floating through the air,” according to mission transcripts.Orion now features a private toilet cubicle – the first of its kind on a space shuttle – accessed through a floor hatch beside the main entry hatch. Handrails and foot tethers keep the crew anchored while inside.“We’re pretty fortunate as a crew to get a toilet with a door on this tiny spacecraft,” noted Jeremy Hansen of the Canadian Space Agency in a pre‑launch video. “The one place during the mission where we can go and actually feel like we’re alone for a moment.”The system uses a funnel attached to a hose for urine and a small seat for solid waste. Because everything floats, faeces are suctioned into a sealed bag at the bowl’s base and then compressed into a canister. The suction is loud enough that the cubicle is insulated and crew members must wear ear protection while using it.On longer stays, such as ISS missions, astronauts now recycle almost all liquid waste, turning urine and sweat into drinkable water. For the short Artemis II flight, urine will be vented daily and solid waste stored for disposal after return to Earth.Beyond comfort, the upgraded toilet is a mission‑critical component for NASA’s goal of a permanent lunar presence. Sustainable waste handling prevents health risks and avoids contaminating the pristine space environment with Earth microbes. As historian David Munns explained, “Actually thinking about not only toilets but the entire life‑support systems is one of the foundations of long‑term living in space.”

New research by Cleanview and a subsequent confirmation from Google reveal that the tech giant is collaborating with Crusade Energy to develop a 933‑megawatt natural‑gas power plant in the sparsely populated Armstrong County of the Texas panhandle. The facility will serve the Goodnight AI‑focused datacenter campus, signaling a notable departure from Google’s long‑standing clean‑energy narrative.The plant, slated for off‑grid operation, is intended to power at least two buildings on the Goodnight site. Satellite imagery commissioned by Cleanview shows construction already under way, following a permit application filed in January.According to the 465‑page permit filing, the plant could emit as much as 4.5 million tons of carbon dioxide per year—roughly the same amount released annually by the entire city of San Francisco. This emission level underscores the environmental stakes of the project.Cleanview founder Michael Thomas described the venture as “one of the first direct investments in fossil‑fuel infrastructure” he has seen from Google, suggesting a strategic pivot away from the company’s historic climate leadership.When queried, Google spokesperson Chrissy Moy did not deny the partnership but clarified that “we don’t have a contract in place for the plant in Texas.” She noted that negotiations are ongoing and pointed to a separate wind‑farm partnership with Serena Energy in the region. Crusoe Energy declined to comment.The Texas project is Google’s third known involvement with gas‑fuel facilities in recent months. Earlier in October, the company announced an agreement to purchase power from a gas plant in Illinois, and documents obtained in May revealed exploratory talks on a large‑scale gas project in Nebraska.Despite the shift, Google maintains that natural gas does not conflict with its climate objectives. The firm argues it is moving from a strategy of buying carbon credits to one of “building the grid” to secure carbon‑free energy for its operations.At a recent energy conference in Houston, Google’s head of advanced energy, Michael Terrell, declined to elaborate on how natural gas aligns with the company’s sustainability roadmap.From carbon‑free promises to “climate moonshots”Google has long positioned itself as a climate leader, setting a 2020 goal to achieve net‑zero carbon emissions across all operations by 2030 and investing heavily in wind, solar, geothermal and nuclear projects. However, the rapid expansion of AI workloads has strained those commitments.The 2023 sustainability report noted that Google was no longer “maintaining operational carbon neutrality,” and a 2024 update reported a 48 % rise in greenhouse‑gas emissions since 2019, driven largely by datacenter energy demand.By 2025, the company reframed its emissions targets as “climate moonshots,” acknowledging the growing complexity of meeting its 2030 ambitions amid AI‑driven uncertainties.Google is not alone in this trend. Competitors such as Meta, Amazon and Microsoft have also turned to natural‑gas‑powered facilities to meet the soaring energy needs of their AI infrastructures, highlighting a broader industry tension between rapid AI deployment and climate pledges.Thomas of Cleanview summed up the situation: “The race to build AI is creating a new tension with climate goals that these hyperscalers have long championed.”

It's been 12 months since Donald Trump's 'liberation day' on April 2, 2025, when the US president introduced tariffs on nearly every country the US did business with. The move sent shockwaves through the global economy, causing chaos in Washington and beyond. Experts say that if Trump had spent the last 14 months on the golf course instead of in the White House, the US economy would be in a better place. The wholesale slashing of government jobs and defunding of US aid agencies had already signaled that Trump was in a hurry to upset institutions he considered profligate or useless. Investors quickly understood that chaos was an essential tool in Trump's armoury. Almost as soon as he was inaugurated, there was a steady decline in the value of the dollar against other currencies. Investors sold assets denominated in dollars and bought assets elsewhere: Europe, Asia, South America. Dario Perkins, the head of global research at the consultancy TS Lombard, said: 'If you think that discouraging investors from buying assets in the US is a victory, then you don’t believe in a growing economy.' He added that Trump's policies had led to a decline in US manufacturing jobs and a growing trade deficit. The data supports Perkins' claims. US companies stopped hiring almost as soon as liberation day was announced. Significant revisions in February to data covering 2025 pushed payroll employment down by 403,000 jobs, resulting in the addition of just 181,000 jobs last year. This small boost is set against the 163 million people who are employed in the US. Russ Mould, the investment director of the British stockbroker AJ Bell, said: 'America is still home to the world’s largest economy and its reserve currency, as well as the globe’s largest equity and bond markets, but investors continue to reassess their exposure one year on from liberation day.' The next few months of steadily increasing confidence levels followed probably the calmest period in the second Trump presidency. But sentiment began to fall again in the autumn as the White House battled with Congress over the federal budget deficit and much of the public sector was shut down. A poll by the University of Michigan showed consumer confidence at a near record low at the end of 2025. A six-month moving average produced by the Conference Board showed every generation, from baby boomers to gen Xers, had lost confidence in the economy over the past year. Trump’s liberation day executive order stated: 'The decline of US manufacturing capacity threatens the US economy in other ways, including through the loss of manufacturing jobs.' However, the US manufacturing sector shed 100,000 jobs between January 2025 and March 2026. The ratio of manufacturing workers to total nonfarm employment fell to the lowest point since 1939. Bryan Riley, the director of the National Taxpayers Union Foundation’s free trade initiative, said: 'One year after liberation day, the evidence is in. Tariffs failed even by the Trump administration’s own terms. They did not shrink the trade deficit, did not revitalise manufacturing and did not help farmers. It would be a mistake to replace one set of failed tariffs with another.' Some major US companies have redirected their investments to Europe, but China has proved to be one of the main beneficiaries. In the year to February 2026, China’s industrial profits increased by 15.2%. It's a boom that Beijing will struggle to repeat should Chinese companies face fuel and energy shortages and price hikes. But the decline of two major powers can only be to China’s gain.

After a prolonged period of uncertainty, the County Championship returns on Good Friday with renewed vigor, its schedule finally settled and the controversial three‑year Kookaburra ball trial abandoned.The England and Wales Cricket Board (ECB) is now trialling a full‑substitute system in domestic matches. Unlike the traditional “covering fielder” approach, a player can be replaced by a fully‑playing substitute for injury, illness or significant life events such as the birth of a child or a family health crisis.Alan Fordham, the ECB’s head of cricket operations, highlighted the change: “Most seasons we get three or four questions about a player being replaced to witness the birth of a child… the answer will now be yes.” He also recalled the Blair Tickner incident, where the New Zealander’s wife was diagnosed with leukaemia during a match, forcing him to continue playing with a ten‑man side.The substitute scheme is being tested at the ICC’s request, which asks member boards to experiment domestically before considering a similar rule for Test cricket. By allowing replacements for personal emergencies, the ECB has moved further than counterparts in India, Australia and South Africa.To curb potential abuse, any player replaced for illness or injury must observe an eight‑day “stand‑down” period before returning. Derbyshire head coach Mickey Arthur praised the intent but warned of loopholes, noting that the rule does not account for bye weeks, season‑ending fixtures or the transition from red‑ball to white‑ball cricket.Following a disappointing Ashes winter, the ECB is keen to restore the Championship’s relevance. Managing director Rob Key signalled that England‑team places are no longer guaranteed, urging county coaches and players to re‑engage.England head coach Brendon McCullum, speaking to counties via Zoom, stressed the competition’s value for talent identification, especially for players adept against high pace and spin. He also announced the return of Troy Cooley as the ECB’s pace‑bowling lead.Test captain Ben Stokes backed the message, urging players to seize the early weeks of the Championship as a platform for national selection: “It’s a great opportunity for a lot of people around the country… use it to push your case forward.”Enthusiasm is palpable across the counties. Glamorgan, back in Division One for the first time since 2005, aim to showcase their spinners. Lancashire chase promotion despite the late loss of Mitch Perry, while Surrey, Nottinghamshire and Warwickshire marshal their senior talent. Even clubs hit by setbacks—Leicestershire, plagued by injuries and the sudden withdrawal of captain Peter Handscomb, and Sussex, docked 12 points before the season began—remain determined as they kick off their fixtures at Grace Road.

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.

In a primetime address to the nation, Donald Trump claimed that the US war in Iran is 'nearing completion' and that the US has accomplished 'all of America's military objectives.' However, the conflict continues to escalate, with thousands of deaths in Iran and across the Middle East, and oil prices soaring due to the closure of the strategic strait of Hormuz.Trump argued that Iran's navy and air force have been decimated, leaving the country weak and 'no longer a threat' to the US and the world. He also claimed that the US has become energy independent and blamed Iran for a 'short-term' rise in gas prices. However, the economic pain caused by the conflict is evident, with the cost of gas surging past an average of $4 a gallon for the first time since 2022.The conflict has also caused significant human suffering, with estimates suggesting that at least 1,900 people have been killed and 20,000 injured in Iran since the war began. In Lebanon, more than 1,300 people have been killed, and in Israel, 19 people have been killed and 515 injured. Additionally, at least 13 American service members have been killed, with hundreds more troops wounded.Despite Trump's claims of progress, the war is grinding on, with thousands of US troops remaining positioned in the region, providing the option of a broader ground campaign after weeks of airstrikes targeting Iran. The US president has also faced criticism for his handling of the conflict, with mixed and contradictory signals about the US's objectives and lashing out at US allies for not joining the war effort.