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Several readers have voiced alarm over the unfolding US‑Israel war on Iran, describing it as a chaotic and unjustified conflict that threatens regional stability and global order.One contributor likens the situation to a “spectacle of two rogue nations armed with nuclear weapons fighting to prevent a third from acquiring similar capabilities,” warning that the resulting chaos could embolden other territorial disputes, from China’s claim on Taiwan to Argentina’s claim on the Falklands. The writer urges individuals to emulate the anti‑apartheid boycott campaign, suggesting a coordinated boycott of US and Israeli products and a disengagement from the upcoming FIFA World Cup as potential levers to pressure the belligerents.Another letter critiques the tone of the original editorial, arguing that the war’s justification—purported nuclear compliance and regime change—was merely “grist to throw into the media mill.” The author characterises President Trump’s approach as a personal crusade, describing it as a “hyperbolic truth” that seeks to vent anger and claim divine credit, with the war ending only when Trump’s interest wanes.A third commentator questions the UK’s role, noting that despite initial resistance, British bases have quietly accommodated US and Israeli forces, mirroring the pattern seen in Gaza. The writer warns that the conflict could inflict a “disaster for our economy and that of Europe” that may last for years, calling the war both “immoral” and “illegal” and urging a policy reversal.Concern is also expressed about China’s silence. Citing a recent Guardian editorial, a reader points out that Beijing’s proclaimed “major‑country diplomacy” has not translated into constructive mediation, similar to its restrained stance on the Ukraine war. The letter argues that the global benefits of peace outweigh any short‑term advantage China might gain from allowing two wars to continue, and calls on allies of China to press the government into action.Collectively, these letters highlight a growing perception that the war in Iran is driven more by political posturing than by clear strategic objectives, and they advocate for a combination of economic pressure, public dissent, and diplomatic engagement to halt the escalation.

Iraq is facing a balancing act as the US-Israeli war on Iran exposes deep divisions within the country. The conflict has highlighted the divisions between those who view the attacks on Iran as a means to end Tehran's longstanding influence over Iraqi politics and those who are loyal to the Islamic republic. The war has struck Iraq during a precarious power vacuum, following the stepping aside of caretaker leader Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, whose coalition won the largest share of seats in November's parliamentary elections. This power vacuum has exacerbated tensions, with factions from the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, an umbrella body of Iran-backed armed groups, vowing to drag the US into a long war of attrition. The group has claimed responsibility for numerous drone and missile attacks on targets in Iraq and neighboring countries, including the US base in Erbil and the city's international airport. In response, unclaimed airstrikes attributed to US and Israeli forces have hit positions across the country, killing several commanders and fighters. Iraqi leaders are attempting to maintain a balancing act, denouncing the killing of Iran's supreme leader Ali Khamenei while rejecting attempts by Tehran to draw Iraq into the conflict. However, this balancing act is complicated by the fact that pro-Iran groups are also members of the Popular Mobilisation Units (PMU), a sprawling institution that operates with its own agenda. The conflict has significant implications for Iraq's stability and economy, with a looming financial disaster hanging over the country due to the crisis over the strait of Hormuz and the loss of oil revenue. The US pressure and threat of sanctions have forced some members of the pro-Iran Shia alliance in Iraq's parliament to distance themselves from more militant factions. The killing of Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, has also had a profound impact on the Iraqi resistance factions, which have struggled to respond effectively to the recent war. The insider close to the pro-Iran factions noted that the killing of Nasrallah has affected the Iraqi resistance factions more than the killing of Khamenei, as Nasrallah had a direct appeal to many commanders.

By the time head coach Jesse Marsch concluded the March international window, the clock was ticking toward April, leaving Canada with more questions than answers ahead of the 2026 World Cup. The Toronto friendly against Tunisia turned into an “odd” afternoon, with a sudden lightning delay pushing the match’s finish to 11 p.m. and forcing fans to follow the action on mobile devices while rain hammered the city. While many had imagined a Canada‑Italy opener after the December draw, the draw against Bosnia and Herzegovina proved a relief. Swapping a potential clash with the world’s 12th‑ranked side for a match against the 65th‑ranked Bosnia is now viewed as a fortunate turn, yet the Bosnian squad displayed a relentless mid‑press that tested Canada’s defensive organization. Bosnia’s pressing generated 30 shots and a torrent of crosses, with veteran striker Edin Džeko looming as a threat and young forwards Esmir Bajraktarević and Kerim Alajbegović showcasing high energy. Marsch noted, “These kids grew up in a war‑torn country; they have resilience that showed in the last week.” Defensive depth emerged as a glaring issue. Centre‑back Moïse Bombito returned to training but remains sidelined with a Nice injury, while regulars Alfie Jones, Derek Cornelius and Luc de Fougerolles were unavailable. MLS pair Joel Waterman and Kamal Miller displayed “ill‑timed jitters,” raising concerns about the back line’s stability. Offensively, Canada’s output was blunt. Across two matches only two Jonathan David penalties found the net; forwards Cyle Larin and Tani Oluwaseyi failed to create a decisive spark. Larin’s last goal for Canada came in October 2024, and Oluwaseyi has scored just two times in 22 caps. Moreover, the team has failed to score from open play in six of their last seven internationals, recording three 0‑0 draws on home soil. Amid the gloom, 22‑year‑old winger Marcelo Flores offered a glimpse of optimism. The former Tigres talent, recently cleared to represent Canada after switching from Mexico, dazzled with dribbles and quick pivots, prompting calls to elevate Juventus striker Promise David and position Flores in a more creative role. The final, lingering question concerns the starting goalkeeper for the June 12 opener. Marsch has oscillated between Maxime Crépeau and Dayne St Clair for two years, and injuries have prevented a decisive choice. Both keepers remain fit, leaving the coach “as close as it’s always been” to a decision. Predicted squad Goalkeepers: Dayne St Clair, Maxime Crépeau, Owen Goodman. Defenders: Moïse Bombito, Derek Cornelius, Luc de Fougerolles, Joel Waterman, Alistair Johnston, Niko Sigur, Richie Laryea, Alphonso Davies. Midfielders: Steph Eustaquio, Ismaël Kone, Mathieu Choinière, Nathan Saliba, Jonathan Osorio, Tajon Buchanan, Ali Ahmed, Liam Millar, Marcelo Flores, Jacob Shaffelburg. Forwards: Jonathan David, Cyle Larin, Tani Oluwaseyi, Daniel Jebbison, Promise David.

Phil Foden must seize his chance as Manchester City face Liverpool on Saturday at 12:45 pm BST. After two lacklustre starts for England under Thomas Tuchel, the 25‑year‑old has recorded only one assist in his last 22 outings for club and country. Dropped below Rayan Cherki in Pep Guardiola’s hierarchy and yet to complete a full 90 minutes since January, Foden’s performance in the FA Cup could determine his future at both City and the national team.Manchester City v Liverpool – Saturday 12:45 pm BSTEstêvão Willian offers Chelsea a welcome boost. Following a Champions League exit at the hands of Paris Saint‑Germain and a heavy defeat to Everton, manager Liam Rosenior faces a must‑win against Port Vale at 5:15 pm BST. The 18‑year‑old Brazilian winger, who impressed as a substitute against Everton, could inject the speed and unpredictability Chelsea need to lift a disgruntled crowd and revive a faltering season.Chelsea v Port Vale – Saturday 5:15 pm BSTKepa Arrizabalaga gets a second chance ahead of Arsenal’s trip to Southampton. The former Athletic Bilbao keeper was at fault for the decisive goal in the Carabao Cup final, yet manager Mikel Arteta has kept him as the starting goalkeeper for the FA Cup tie. A solid performance could cement Arrizabalaga’s status as Arsenal’s long‑term No 2, while a repeat error may see him lose the role to David Raya.Southampton v Arsenal – Saturday 8:00 pm BSTWest Ham’s cup run doubles as a survival rehearsal. The Hammers host Leeds United on Sunday at 4:30 pm BST, a match that could swing the relegation battle. Despite a recent victory over Brentford, injuries – notably to winger Crysencio Summerville – threaten to undermine their league campaign. Manager Nuno Espírito Santo must balance the morale boost from the cup with the need to keep key players fit for the Premier League’s final stretch.West Ham v Leeds – Sunday 4:30 pm BST

The United States has reaffirmed that it is still prepared to engage Tehran in diplomatic talks, despite the ongoing US‑Israel war against Iran and President Donald Trump’s renewed threats to target the country’s civilian infrastructure. State Department spokesperson Tommy Pigott told Al Jazeera that President Trump had pursued negotiations with Iran before the conflict erupted, but accused the Iranian regime of persisting in its quest for a nuclear weapon. "The president is always open to diplomacy, but he’s also clear that we will see our objectives fulfilled here," Pigott said, underscoring the administration’s dual track of diplomatic engagement and military pressure. In a primetime address aired on Wednesday, Trump echoed his earlier claims that the United States is winning the war, yet offered no concrete roadmap for ending the hostilities or reopening the Strait of Hormuz – a chokepoint whose closure by Tehran has driven global energy prices higher. The conflict began on February 28, shortly after a round of Geneva talks that Omani mediators and Iranian officials described as “positive.” Last year, Israel struck Iran’s three primary nuclear facilities in an operation the White House dubbed “Midnight Hammer.” Iran continues to deny any intention to develop a nuclear weapon, while Israel is widely believed to possess an undeclared nuclear arsenal. Former intelligence chief Tulsi Gabbard testified to Congress that Iran was not rebuilding enrichment capacity before the June 2025 attacks, and later reiterated that there have been no efforts to restore its nuclear program since the strikes. Nevertheless, Tehran insists on the right to enrich uranium domestically and has ruled out negotiations over its missile program and support for groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas. Pigott emphasized that the United States is maintaining high‑level diplomatic contacts across the region, stating, "We see diplomatic engagement at the highest levels of this administration, with our partners in the region, to pursue our interests and explore what can happen here." The spokesperson also accused Iran of targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure, describing the threat of a nuclear‑armed Tehran as "intolerable." In response, Iran has launched missile and drone attacks against U.S. and Israeli assets, as well as energy facilities, hotels, and airports throughout the Middle East. Trump later posted footage of a U.S. strike on a major Iranian bridge, warning that similar attacks could follow. He wrote on social media, "IT IS TIME FOR IRAN TO MAKE A DEAL BEFORE IT IS TOO LATE, and there is nothing left of what could become a great country." In the same speech, he threatened to destroy Iran’s power plants and, earlier in the week, suggested the United States could also target water desalination stations – actions that legal experts say would constitute collective punishment under international law. Barbara Slavin, a distinguished fellow at the Stimson Center, told Al Jazeera that Trump appears to be "scrambling" to intensify the war in hopes of forcing a resolution before the conflict turns into a definitive failure.

Legal groups in Uganda have strongly condemned the arrival of a dozen deportees from the United States, calling the deportation process 'undignified, harrowing and dehumanising'. The Uganda Law Society and the East Africa Law Society have taken the matter to court, seeking relief to halt what they describe as 'patent international illegality'.The deportation marks the first confirmed instance of deportees being transferred from the US to Uganda. The 12 individuals reportedly landed at Entebbe International Airport by private aircraft. No identifying information about the deportees has been provided.The deportation is part of President Donald Trump's efforts to offload immigrants to 'third countries' where they have no personal connections. Uganda is one of several countries that have agreed to accept deported foreigners, including Equatorial Guinea, Ghana, Rwanda, Eswatini, and South Sudan.The deal with Uganda was confirmed by the country's Ministry of Foreign Affairs last August, stating it was a 'temporary arrangement' with priority given to deportees from other African countries. Unaccompanied children and people with criminal records are excluded from the deal.Critics have raised concerns about the safety of countries receiving US deportees, citing human rights abuses in Uganda. The US has previously criticised Uganda for 'significant human rights abuses', including extrajudicial killings, life-threatening prison conditions, and torture.The Trump administration has defended the deportations as legal under the US Immigration and Nationality Act, citing diplomatic assurances from 'third countries' that deportees would not face persecution. However, the policy has faced numerous legal challenges, with concerns about immigrants' due process rights.

The United States has a long history of threatening to carpet bomb countries, with President Donald Trump recently warning Iran that he would bomb the country 'back to the stone ages.' This rhetoric is not new, as US leaders have made similar threats in the past.During his prime-time address to the nation, Trump said, referring to Iran: 'We are going to hit them extremely hard over the next two to three weeks, we're going to bring them back to the stone ages, where they belong.' Trump also said 'discussions are ongoing,' adding that the conflict could end over the same period.The current war on Iran began on February 28 when the US and Israel launched their attacks. Tehran hit back, targeting Israel and Gulf countries. More than 2,000 Iranians have been killed in the war so far. Thousands of civilian sites, including hospitals, schools, universities, and pharmaceutical factories, have been attacked by Israel and the US.Janina Dill, a global security professor at the University of Oxford, told Al Jazeera that if Trump's 'stone ages' threat implies that the US will destroy structures and buildings that characterise a modern society, 'then this would be illegal because it implies directing attacks against civilian objects.'The phrase 'bombing back to the stone ages' is widely associated with US Air Force officer Curtis LeMay, in the context of US threats against North Vietnam in LeMay's 1965 book, Mission with LeMay. LeMay wrote: 'We're going to bomb them back into the Stone Age.'The US carried out intensive bombing in South Vietnam, as well as in Cambodia and Laos, claiming to target enemy bases and supply routes. Overall, millions of Vietnamese soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded in the war.In January 1991, the US led a global coalition to force out Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Former US Secretary of State James Baker threatened that the US would bomb Iraq 'back to the Stone Age' if it did not withdraw from Kuwait.During World War II, the US carpet bombed Japanese cities, as well as cities in Asia that were controlled by Japanese forces. During the Korean War, the US carried out heavy bombing in North Korea, which some officials said destroyed almost every town.

The United Kingdom has taken the lead in gathering foreign ministers from 40 countries to discuss strategies for reopening the Strait of Hormuz, a vital shipping route that has been blocked by Iran's actions.UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper emphasized that Iran's blockade of the waterway is threatening global economic security. The virtual meeting, which included countries like France, Germany, Italy, Canada, Japan, and the United Arab Emirates, resulted in a joint statement demanding that Iran cease its attempts to block the strait and pledging to ensure safe passage through the waterway.The coalition's efforts are seen as a response to US President Donald Trump's comments that securing the strait is not the US's responsibility. The meeting is considered a first step, to be followed by working-level meetings to hammer out details.Al Jazeera's Rory Challands noted that while the coalition is broad, involving countries from various regions, there are questions about the naval capacity of these countries to enforce the reopening of the strait. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer has emphasized the need for non-military solutions, and French President Emmanuel Macron has suggested that talking directly to Iran is the best approach.The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has had significant economic impacts, including soaring petroleum prices and disruptions to global oil supplies. There have been 23 direct attacks on commercial vessels in the Gulf since the conflict began, resulting in 11 crew members killed.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.