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Argentina has taken a significant step in its diplomatic relations with Iran by expelling the Iranian charge d'affaires in Buenos Aires, Mohsen Tehrani. This move comes in response to Iran's rejection of Argentina's decision to blacklist the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a 'terrorist' group.The Foreign Ministry of Argentina stated that Iran's response contained 'false, offensive and unfounded accusations against the Argentinian Republic and its highest authorities.' The ministry emphasized that these statements constitute unacceptable interference in Argentina's internal affairs and a deliberate misrepresentation of decisions adopted in accordance with international law and national law.Iran's Foreign Ministry had condemned Argentina's move against the IRGC, calling it an 'action against Iran's security and national interests.' Tehran accused Argentina of making this decision 'under the influence of inducements and pressures from the genocidal and occupying Zionist regime,' referring to Israel.The designation of the IRGC as a 'terrorist' group by Argentina follows similar moves by the US in 2019 and the European Union in January. Argentina's President Javier Milei, who has taken staunchly pro-Israel positions, described himself as 'the most Zionist president in the world.'The relationship between Argentina and Iran has been strained, particularly over the 1994 bombing of a Jewish centre in Buenos Aires, which an Argentinian court ruled was carried out by Iran. Iran has denied its involvement in the attack.Milei's government cited the 1994 attack in its decision to blacklist the IRGC. The Argentinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Iran of failing to cooperate with the probe or hand over suspects in the case, stating that 'The Argentine Republic will not tolerate grievances or interference from a State that has systematically failed to comply with its international obligations and that persists in obstructing the progress of justice.'

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Iran launched a new barrage of missiles at Israel following President Donald Trump’s televised claim that Washington had "destroyed the Iranian military" and was on the brink of completing its war objectives. Trump’s address, delivered hours after he asserted that Tehran had requested a ceasefire—a claim Tehran promptly denied—also featured a pledge to "finish the job" and a statement that the core strategic goals of the United States were "nearing completion." Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian emphasized that Iran holds no hostility toward the peoples of the United States, Europe or neighboring states, while urging the American public to question the motives behind the continued conflict. In Tehran, the war has intensified: US‑Israeli air campaigns continue to cause casualties and infrastructure damage, and Iranian forces persist with missile and drone counter‑attacks. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi warned that, despite receiving messages from Washington, "trust remains at zero" for any negotiation. Senior political figure Kamal Kharazi, a former foreign minister, was seriously wounded when a strike hit his home in Tehran, killing his wife. Kharazi had been involved in back‑channel talks through Pakistan aimed at reviving negotiations. In the Gulf, the United Arab Emirates reported intercepting incoming Iranian missiles and drones, and a tanker off Doha sustained damage from a projectile, though no casualties were reported. President Trump publicly thanked Gulf allies, pledging that the United States would not allow them to be harmed. Within the United States, analysts such as Trita Parsi of the Quincy Institute noted that Trump’s speech offered little new information, essentially summarising recent tweets and suggesting a lack of a clear operational plan. Israel’s military confirmed that its air‑defence systems were actively intercepting Iranian missiles, but the attack wounded 14 civilians, including an 11‑year‑old girl, near Tel Aviv. Israeli officials said the timeline outlined by Trump aligns with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s assessment of the campaign. Regional spill‑over continued: an Israeli strike on Beirut killed a senior Hezbollah commander and at least seven civilians, while an air strike on Iraq’s Anbar province killed seven fighters and injured 13 at a military healthcare clinic. On the economic front, the World Bank expressed "extreme concern" about the conflict’s impact on inflation, employment and food security, and is consulting member states on emergency measures. Despite the turmoil, global equity markets rallied and oil prices fell after Trump’s optimistic remarks, indicating short‑term investor relief.

The ongoing closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial oil and gas shipping route blocked by Iran since the US-Israeli attacks began, is having ripple effects around the world. If the strait remains closed, transport blockages across the Middle East could cause significant shocks to food and medicine supplies in the UK.UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper is hosting a meeting with 35 other countries to discuss reopening the strait. Experts warn that a prolonged closure could lead to food price inflation doubling in England and medicine shortages due to disrupted supply chains.Impact on Food SuppliesProf Tim Lang from City St George's, University of London, warns that 'all bets are off' for food supplies if the crisis continues. Rising fossil fuel prices will impact food transportation and production, as fuel is used to transport food and produce fertilizers and other inputs.The farming sector is already facing problems, with dairy production hit due to delayed fertilizer purchases and salad vegetable and dairy producers facing disruptions. Iranian imports like pistachios and saffron are also affected.Impact on Medicine SuppliesWhile there's no hard evidence of medicine shortages yet, price increases are being seen, which can signal disruptions in the medicine supply chain. Iran does not manufacture many medicines but affects the sector through rising energy costs and transport links between major pharmaceutical-producing countries and the UK.David Weeks from Moody's notes that shortages are driven by delays in petrochemical precursors for active pharmaceutical ingredients. Medicine stockpiles in European countries, including the UK, can last up to six months, but long-term conflicts could lead to more severe shortages.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

French giants OL Lyonnes have booked their place in the Women's Champions League semi-finals, where they will face Arsenal. This comes after a convincing 4-0 win over Wolfsburg in extra time, securing a 4-1 aggregate victory. The result ensures a repeat of last season's semi-final, which Arsenal won 5-3 on aggregate. OL Lyonnes, the record eight-time European champions, will enter the match with confidence after their impressive display against Wolfsburg. Despite Wolfsburg holding a 1-0 lead from the first leg, OL Lyonnes fought back with Lily Yohannes's early deflected strike drawing the teams level. The French side dominated the game, forcing 19 corners, but had to wait until the 102nd minute for Melchie Dumornay to score the decisive goal. Damaris Egurrola's header and Tabitha Chawinga's late finish further solidified OL Lyonnes's control over the game, reflecting the 4-0 victory on the night. In another match, Barcelona thrashed Real Madrid 12-2 on aggregate, showcasing their strong form ahead of the semi-finals. They will face Bayern Munich, who eliminated Manchester United, in the next round. The first legs of the semi-finals are scheduled between April 24 and 26, with the second legs taking place between May 1 and 3. The final will be held in Oslo on May 23.

Nasrin Sotoudeh, a prize-winning Iranian human rights lawyer, has been arrested in Tehran, according to her family. Her daughter, Mehraveh Khandan, reported that Sotoudeh was taken from her home in Tehran late on Wednesday, and her whereabouts are currently unknown.Khandan suspects that the arrest may be linked to Sotoudeh's recent interviews about the war, in which she criticized the government. Sotoudeh has a history of representing political prisoners, including opposition activists and women prosecuted for removing their mandatory headscarf. She has won numerous awards, including the 2012 Sakharov Prize from the European Parliament and the 2020 Right Livelihood Award.This arrest comes amid concerns about a rise in executions in Iran, which activists believe is being overshadowed by the ongoing war. The country is currently under a communications blackout, with internet shutdowns and restrictions on international calls. Sotoudeh's health is a significant concern, given her heart condition that worsens under severe stress.Sotoudeh's husband, Reza Khandan, has also been imprisoned since December 2024 for producing and distributing badges with the slogan “I oppose compulsory hijab”. The family is worried about Sotoudeh's health and the psychological pressure she may face if imprisoned again.

It's been 12 months since Donald Trump's 'liberation day' on April 2, 2025, when the US president introduced tariffs on nearly every country the US did business with. The move sent shockwaves through the global economy, causing chaos in Washington and beyond. Experts say that if Trump had spent the last 14 months on the golf course instead of in the White House, the US economy would be in a better place. The wholesale slashing of government jobs and defunding of US aid agencies had already signaled that Trump was in a hurry to upset institutions he considered profligate or useless. Investors quickly understood that chaos was an essential tool in Trump's armoury. Almost as soon as he was inaugurated, there was a steady decline in the value of the dollar against other currencies. Investors sold assets denominated in dollars and bought assets elsewhere: Europe, Asia, South America. Dario Perkins, the head of global research at the consultancy TS Lombard, said: 'If you think that discouraging investors from buying assets in the US is a victory, then you don’t believe in a growing economy.' He added that Trump's policies had led to a decline in US manufacturing jobs and a growing trade deficit. The data supports Perkins' claims. US companies stopped hiring almost as soon as liberation day was announced. Significant revisions in February to data covering 2025 pushed payroll employment down by 403,000 jobs, resulting in the addition of just 181,000 jobs last year. This small boost is set against the 163 million people who are employed in the US. Russ Mould, the investment director of the British stockbroker AJ Bell, said: 'America is still home to the world’s largest economy and its reserve currency, as well as the globe’s largest equity and bond markets, but investors continue to reassess their exposure one year on from liberation day.' The next few months of steadily increasing confidence levels followed probably the calmest period in the second Trump presidency. But sentiment began to fall again in the autumn as the White House battled with Congress over the federal budget deficit and much of the public sector was shut down. A poll by the University of Michigan showed consumer confidence at a near record low at the end of 2025. A six-month moving average produced by the Conference Board showed every generation, from baby boomers to gen Xers, had lost confidence in the economy over the past year. Trump’s liberation day executive order stated: 'The decline of US manufacturing capacity threatens the US economy in other ways, including through the loss of manufacturing jobs.' However, the US manufacturing sector shed 100,000 jobs between January 2025 and March 2026. The ratio of manufacturing workers to total nonfarm employment fell to the lowest point since 1939. Bryan Riley, the director of the National Taxpayers Union Foundation’s free trade initiative, said: 'One year after liberation day, the evidence is in. Tariffs failed even by the Trump administration’s own terms. They did not shrink the trade deficit, did not revitalise manufacturing and did not help farmers. It would be a mistake to replace one set of failed tariffs with another.' Some major US companies have redirected their investments to Europe, but China has proved to be one of the main beneficiaries. In the year to February 2026, China’s industrial profits increased by 15.2%. It's a boom that Beijing will struggle to repeat should Chinese companies face fuel and energy shortages and price hikes. But the decline of two major powers can only be to China’s gain.

The Premier League title race may be all but over, but the battle for European places is heating up, with as many as 13 teams still in contention. The Champions League and Europa League have expanded, and the introduction of the Conference League has added another layer of complexity to the qualification process.Currently, just seven points separate Liverpool in fifth place and Bournemouth in 13th, making it the smallest gap between fifth and 13th at the start of April since the 1992-93 season. This close competition means that several teams have a realistic chance of qualifying for Europe.Nine English teams played in Europe this season, with six in the Champions League, two in the Europa League, and one in the Conference League. The Premier League is likely to earn at least one extra Champions League spot due to its teams' strong performance in Europe. Arsenal and Liverpool are still in the Champions League, while Nottingham Forest and Aston Villa are in the Europa League, and Crystal Palace is in the Conference League.Champions League QualificationThe Premier League is all but certain to earn one of the two extra Champions League spots available for leagues whose teams perform best in Europe. There is also a possibility of two more Champions League spots for English clubs if Liverpool and Aston Villa win their respective European competitions and finish outside the top five.Europa League QualificationThere are at least two spots for English teams in the Europa League. If the top five Premier League sides qualify for the Champions League, the team that finishes sixth and the FA Cup winners will be in the Europa League. However, if a top-six team wins the FA Cup, the spot will go to the next-highest ranked team in the Premier League.Conference League QualificationManchester City earned a place in the Conference League by winning the League Cup, but will finish in the top six, so their spot passes down to the highest-placed team that have not already qualified for Europe. Depending on the FA Cup winner and European results, the team that finishes eighth, ninth, or 10th in the Premier League could qualify for the Conference League.Eleven English Teams Could Play in EuropeIn a highly unlikely scenario, 11 English teams could play in Europe next season if Liverpool, Aston Villa, and Crystal Palace win their respective European competitions while finishing outside the top five or six. This would result in seven teams in the Champions League, three in the Europa League, and one in the Conference League.Realistic ExpectationsMore realistically, five English teams will qualify for the Champions League, and a Europa League spot will go to the team finishing seventh due to a top-six team winning the FA Cup. This would mean the teams finishing in the top eight in the Premier League qualify for Europe.