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In Zimbabwe, a proposed constitutional amendment has sparked widespread debate and concern among citizens. The amendment, known as CAB3, aims to extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa's term from 2028 to 2030, changing presidential and legislative terms from five to seven years.Critics argue that this move will consolidate power in the hands of Mnangagwa's ruling ZANU-PF party, making it increasingly difficult for opposition leaders to assume power. Currently, the president is elected through a popular vote, but the proposed changes would allow parliament to elect the president, potentially paving the way for a dynastic succession.Public hearings on the bill have been marred by chaos and allegations of bias, with many citizens expressing concerns about the rushed and limited consultation process. Opponents of the bill, including former finance minister Tendai Biti and opposition leaders, have been arrested and intimidated.Supporters of the bill, however, argue that it will enhance political stability and allow Mnangagwa to complete his development projects. But critics counter that term limits are essential to preventing authoritarianism and ensuring peaceful transfers of power.As the bill moves forward, Zimbabweans are worried about the future of their democracy and the potential for further repression. The country's economy is in shambles, and many believe that Mnangagwa's extended term will only exacerbate the situation.

One year ago, US President Donald Trump introduced a 10% global tariff, sparking a trade war with far-reaching consequences. The immediate impact was severe, with the stock market experiencing its worst drop since the pandemic. In response, countries scrambled to negotiate deals with Washington or retaliate with their own tariffs. Recently, the Supreme Court ruled that most of Trump's tariffs are illegal, citing the president's lack of authority to impose broad, open-ended tariffs under a national emergency. However, this ruling did not end the trade war. Within hours, Trump invoked a different statute to launch a temporary tariff, set to expire in July. The effects of the tariffs have already reshaped the US economy. The average effective US tariff rate surged from 2.6% to over 13%, the highest level since World War II. This significant increase has led to higher costs for American consumers. According to the Tax Foundation, US households paid $1,000 more in 2025 for the same goods. Tarrifs work by imposing a tax on foreign goods and services, making them more expensive and encouraging local purchases. Despite Trump's promise that tariffs would reduce the trade deficit and make the US richer, the reality is that the average US consumer is worse off. The Penn Wharton Budget Model reports that the US collected over $287.1 billion in customs duties in 2025 and $64.4 billion in 2026. Economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York found that nearly 90% of the economic burden from tariffs has fallen on US businesses and consumers, with foreign exporters absorbing only a small percentage of the cost. Lower-income households have been disproportionately affected, as they spend a higher proportion of their earnings on essential goods like food, clothing, and transportation. Following the Supreme Court's ruling, the government may be required to refund up to $175 billion to businesses that paid the tariffs. With Trump's tariffs being replaced by a flat 10% tariff, the Tax Foundation projects that the average cost to US households will fall to about $600. While an improvement, it remains a significant cost for consumers.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Israel's death penalty law, recently making headlines, has been criticized for potentially disproportionately affecting Palestinians. The law, which allows for the imposition of the death penalty in certain cases, has been defended by its proponents as a necessary measure to deter serious crimes. However, opponents argue that it violates international human rights standards and is being used as a political tool to maintain control over the Palestinian population.The law has been met with widespread condemnation from human rights groups and critics who see it as part of a broader pattern of discrimination against Palestinians. They argue that the law undermines the rule of law and perpetuates a cycle of violence and oppression.In response to the criticism, Israeli officials have emphasized the law's purpose as a deterrent, claiming it will help to reduce the incidence of serious crimes. However, many experts and activists question the effectiveness of the death penalty as a deterrent and argue that it fails to address the root causes of violence.

In a bid to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and improve public health, thousands of New Yorkers are making the switch from gas stoves to induction stoves. A recent project in the Washington Heights area of Manhattan has installed induction stoves in 15 co-op apartments, providing residents with a cleaner and healthier way to cook.The project, supported by state and city governments, as well as non-profit groups, aims to reduce the risks associated with gas stoves, including nitrogen dioxide emissions and climate change. According to a study, people who replaced their gas stoves with electric alternatives were exposed to less than half the amount of nitrogen dioxide emissions.Residents, such as Marcos Ramos, are excited about the change. “It makes sense”, he said. “If you’re minimizing risk with the gas, the fire, then environmentally, health-wise, it makes sense. It’s logical.”The induction stoves, supplied by Copper, use magnetic fields to heat cookware directly, making them more efficient and environmentally friendly. The project is part of a larger effort to promote clean energy and reduce greenhouse gas emissions in New York City.Advocates claim that induction stoves are a viable alternative to gas, which has jumped in price amid the Iran war and poses health risks to residents. The city is also working on a $32m pilot to replace gas stoves in 10,000 apartments across the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) system.While some states, including New York, California, and Hawaii, are stepping up to promote induction stoves through rebate programs, others are facing resistance from the gas industry and Republican politicians.

Kara Lawson watched her Duke Blue Devils fall 70‑58 to the No. 1 UCLA Bruins in the Elite Eight, ending a 20‑year wait for a Final Four appearance. The loss followed a stunning buzzer‑beater upset of No. 2 seed LSU in the Sweet 16, but the Blue Devils couldn’t replicate that performance against UCLA.After the game, Lawson told reporters, "What a great season it’s been for us, and this group has been a joy to coach every day." She highlighted the team’s resilience after a rocky start that saw six defeats between early November and late December.Notre Dame’s season ended similarly, with a 70‑52 defeat to the defending champion UConn Huskies in the Elite Eight. Head coach Niele Ivey reflected on the journey, noting that the roster’s revival after a difficult 2025 season "gave me a lot of joy" and that coaching with joy makes her a better leader.Vanderbilt’s Commodores, coached by Shea Ralph, also saw their tournament run halted, losing 67‑64 to Notre Dame. Ralph, who inherited a program with strong support but limited recent success, deliberately built a culture of joy. Star guard Mikayla Blakes praised Ralph for restoring her love for the game, saying, "She found joy in my life and helped me enjoy basketball again."Looking ahead, the semifinals will feature two marquee matchups: South Carolina vs. UConn and UCLA vs. Texas. Both games promise high‑stakes basketball as the remaining teams vie for the championship.The tournament also underscores broader trends in women’s basketball. A decade ago, the NCAA reported that only 4.5% of high‑school players advance to college, and just 1.4% reach Division I. The WNBA’s expansion to 15 teams this season creates more professional slots, yet demand still outpaces supply, making the focus on joy and development all the more vital.Texas coach Vic Schaefer echoed the sentiment, describing the season as "the most fun" he’s had in over thirty years of coaching. With senior guard Rori Harmon preparing to graduate, Schaefer emphasized the team’s mission‑driven mindset and the pure enjoyment they find on the court.In a sport where the pipeline narrows at every level, the prevailing message from coaches and players alike is clear: joy remains the driving force that sustains teams through triumphs and setbacks alike.

The Premier League title race may be all but over, but the battle for European places is heating up, with as many as 13 teams still in contention. The Champions League and Europa League have expanded, and the introduction of the Conference League has added another layer of complexity to the qualification process.Currently, just seven points separate Liverpool in fifth place and Bournemouth in 13th, making it the smallest gap between fifth and 13th at the start of April since the 1992-93 season. This close competition means that several teams have a realistic chance of qualifying for Europe.Nine English teams played in Europe this season, with six in the Champions League, two in the Europa League, and one in the Conference League. The Premier League is likely to earn at least one extra Champions League spot due to its teams' strong performance in Europe. Arsenal and Liverpool are still in the Champions League, while Nottingham Forest and Aston Villa are in the Europa League, and Crystal Palace is in the Conference League.Champions League QualificationThe Premier League is all but certain to earn one of the two extra Champions League spots available for leagues whose teams perform best in Europe. There is also a possibility of two more Champions League spots for English clubs if Liverpool and Aston Villa win their respective European competitions and finish outside the top five.Europa League QualificationThere are at least two spots for English teams in the Europa League. If the top five Premier League sides qualify for the Champions League, the team that finishes sixth and the FA Cup winners will be in the Europa League. However, if a top-six team wins the FA Cup, the spot will go to the next-highest ranked team in the Premier League.Conference League QualificationManchester City earned a place in the Conference League by winning the League Cup, but will finish in the top six, so their spot passes down to the highest-placed team that have not already qualified for Europe. Depending on the FA Cup winner and European results, the team that finishes eighth, ninth, or 10th in the Premier League could qualify for the Conference League.Eleven English Teams Could Play in EuropeIn a highly unlikely scenario, 11 English teams could play in Europe next season if Liverpool, Aston Villa, and Crystal Palace win their respective European competitions while finishing outside the top five or six. This would result in seven teams in the Champions League, three in the Europa League, and one in the Conference League.Realistic ExpectationsMore realistically, five English teams will qualify for the Champions League, and a Europa League spot will go to the team finishing seventh due to a top-six team winning the FA Cup. This would mean the teams finishing in the top eight in the Premier League qualify for Europe.

FIFA's failure to agree on a blanket tax exemption with the US government has left more than half of the World Cup-qualified countries facing additional costs and potential losses. The tax burden will disproportionately affect smaller national associations without a tax treaty with the US.Of the 48 World Cup qualifiers, only 18 countries have signed a double taxation agreement (DTA) with the US, exempting them from federal taxes. These countries are mostly from Europe, with a few exceptions like Australia, Egypt, Morocco, and South Africa.Smaller countries like Curaçao and Cape Verde, making their tournament debut, will face a larger tax liability compared to teams from countries with DTAs, such as England and France. The US federal corporate tax rate stands at 21%, and higher-rate taxpayers, including international footballers and coaches, face an income tax rate of 37%.“The teams that come from more advanced, sophisticated jurisdictions that have a tax treaty with the US, such as England and Spain, will have much lower costs than smaller countries,” said Oriana Morrison, a tax consultant.The situation is further complicated by varying state taxation levels in the US, with no state tax in Florida, 10.75% in New Jersey, and 13.3% in California. Canada and Mexico have granted tax exemptions to all associations, benefiting teams with group games in those countries.FIFA has declined to comment but sources indicate they are working with national associations to provide help and assistance on tax issues.

The Unicorn Theatre's production of 'A Midsummer Night's Dream' is a playful and punchy adaptation of Shakespeare's romantic comedy, made accessible to a young audience. Co-directors Rachel Bagshaw and Robin Belfield have trimmed down the original language while incorporating slapstick comedy and playful captions.The production feels like the start of a brilliant venture, still finding its feet. The editing is smart, but could have been more radical. The framing story in Athens has been cut down but not excised, making it harder to understand.The magical elements are kept low-key and gently engaging, with Titania's fairies conjured up using childlike voiceovers, Holly Khan's delicate soundscape, and Will Monks' entrancing word projections. Joséphine-Fransilja Brookman's Puck is an impish schoolkid who climbs up balconies, jumps on tyre swings, and causes mischief.The standout star is Emmy Stonelake as Bottom, a natural comic and talented Shakespearean who raises big laughs without compromising the language. When Bottom is turned into a donkey, Stonelake cries out: “This is to make an ass of me!” and is met with big laughs and heavy sighs.The most lucid and enjoyable scenes are those with the rude mechanicals as they rehearse their (terrible) play. There's a whiff of the CBeebies panto to these encounters, with the actors dressed in neon costumes and delivering their gags with gusto. The hard-working ensemble jump from playing heartsick lovers to hammy actors with real aplomb.At the Unicorn theatre, London, until 10 May.