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The unexpected return of two William Hartnell episodes to the BBC archive has sent shockwaves of excitement through the Whovian community. For the first time since 1965, fans can now enjoy the first quarter of the 12-part adventure 'The Daleks' Master Plan.'The surviving five episodes are now on iPlayer, and the first three make for a stirring introduction to the adventure, with large impressive sets for the Earth control centre and the Dalek ship, contrasting with the dense forbidding foliage of the planet Kembel. Frequent tight closeup shots from director Douglas Camfield on the faces of the cast add to a claustrophobic feel in the jungle sequences.At the time, Hartnell was not to know that within a year he would be 'renewed' as the lead of the show by Patrick Troughton. Hartnell's health problems, reputation for being difficult on set and frequent flubbing of lines during a production schedule that allowed little leeway for second takes has tainted his tenure in the role.Here, especially in the opener, we get to see him in some of his strongest moments as the Doctor. With Stephen (Peter Purves) incapacitated by the poison he picked up in Troy, and Katarina (Adrienne Hill) little more than a hollow vessel of a character, Hartnell has much more to do than usual. The actor gets to show the gleeful side of his nature as he delights at his own invention of the magnetic chair and his ingenuity at repelling – at least initially – boarders to the spaceship.Rediscovering episode one also means we can enjoy beloved children's television presenter Brian Cant flexing his acting chops in something other than Playschool, and all three episodes prominently feature Nicholas Courtney, who would go on to play Brigadier Lethbridge-Stewart for 40 years, as Bret Vyon. A highlight is the Addams family-esque kookiness of the aliens making up the Dalek council, which is certainly preferable to the somewhat cliched prison planet savages set-up of part three.The biggest mystery, of course, is how these episodes have ended up surviving. Film is Fabulous, the people who secured them, have said they are respecting the wishes of the estate of the person who was holding and keeping them anonymous. Perhaps the most intriguing thing is that, given it was never sold overseas, the missing episodes of the Daleks' Master Plan were among the least likely to ever be found, but two episodes were sitting in those film cans all along. Who knows what else might still be out there?

The Guardian’s investigation has revealed that the company responsible for the unauthorised partial felling of a 500‑year‑old oak in Whitewebbs Park, Enfield, was Ground Control, a maintenance business that reports a turnover of £190 million. The tree was cut down in September 2025 on behalf of Mitchells & Butler Retail (MBR), the owner of the Toby Carvery restaurant chain. MBR initially defended the action, claiming its contractor warned that the oak was diseased and posed a safety risk. However, a coalition of experts – including a Forest Commission investigator and ancient‑tree specialist Russell Miller – found the tree to be healthy with no imminent danger. Miller described the alleged “hazard” as an old, semi‑occluded wound that did not justify felling the entire tree. According to Dr. Ed Pyne of the Woodland Trust, the delay in identifying the contractor highlights a broader lack of transparency: "What evidence exists that the tree was dangerous? What qualifications did the operatives have?" He added that the justification for the removal remains unsubstantiated. Ground Control’s own documentation shows the work was assigned to its grounds‑maintenance team rather than its specialist arborists, a detail that fuels further criticism of MBR’s decision‑making process. Sources close to the firm say an internal review was conducted by a contracts manager, not a tree expert. Enfield Council, which owns the park, has launched legal action to evict Toby Carvery after MBR refused to apologise or offer compensation. The council also referred the incident to the police, but officers declined to investigate, deeming it a civil matter. Complicating the dispute, MBR is majority‑owned by investment group Enic, which holds strong financial ties to Tottenham Hotspur. The football club plans to develop a women’s training academy on 17 hectares adjacent to the park, a proposal opposed by the local campaign group Guardians of Whitewebbs. The group has secured a judicial review of the planning permission, set for June. In a statement last April, MBR asserted that its “specialist arboriculture contractors” deemed the split and dead wood a serious health‑and‑safety risk. A Toby Carvery spokesperson declined further comment, citing ongoing legal proceedings. The revelation of Ground Control’s involvement adds a new layer to the controversy, raising questions about corporate responsibility, environmental stewardship, and the adequacy of legal protections for historic trees in urban green spaces.

Following US and Israeli strikes that killed senior Iranian figures, concerns have emerged about the power dynamics within Iran's leadership. The country's response to these actions and the implications for the region are significant.This episode of 'The Take' examines the key players in Iran's system, how decisions are made, and the potential impact of losing top figures on Iran's response to the ongoing conflict with the US and Israel.Key topics include:The structure of Iran's leadership and decision-making processesThe role of senior figures and their influence on policyThe potential consequences of their loss for Iran's stance on the US-Israel conflictThe analysis features insights from Ali Hashem, a senior Al Jazeera correspondent, providing a deeper understanding of the complexities at play.

Argentina has taken a significant step in its diplomatic relations with Iran by expelling the Iranian charge d'affaires in Buenos Aires, Mohsen Tehrani. This move comes in response to Iran's rejection of Argentina's decision to blacklist the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a 'terrorist' group.The Foreign Ministry of Argentina stated that Iran's response contained 'false, offensive and unfounded accusations against the Argentinian Republic and its highest authorities.' The ministry emphasized that these statements constitute unacceptable interference in Argentina's internal affairs and a deliberate misrepresentation of decisions adopted in accordance with international law and national law.Iran's Foreign Ministry had condemned Argentina's move against the IRGC, calling it an 'action against Iran's security and national interests.' Tehran accused Argentina of making this decision 'under the influence of inducements and pressures from the genocidal and occupying Zionist regime,' referring to Israel.The designation of the IRGC as a 'terrorist' group by Argentina follows similar moves by the US in 2019 and the European Union in January. Argentina's President Javier Milei, who has taken staunchly pro-Israel positions, described himself as 'the most Zionist president in the world.'The relationship between Argentina and Iran has been strained, particularly over the 1994 bombing of a Jewish centre in Buenos Aires, which an Argentinian court ruled was carried out by Iran. Iran has denied its involvement in the attack.Milei's government cited the 1994 attack in its decision to blacklist the IRGC. The Argentinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Iran of failing to cooperate with the probe or hand over suspects in the case, stating that 'The Argentine Republic will not tolerate grievances or interference from a State that has systematically failed to comply with its international obligations and that persists in obstructing the progress of justice.'

In Zimbabwe, a proposed constitutional amendment has sparked widespread debate and concern among citizens. The amendment, known as CAB3, aims to extend President Emmerson Mnangagwa's term from 2028 to 2030, changing presidential and legislative terms from five to seven years.Critics argue that this move will consolidate power in the hands of Mnangagwa's ruling ZANU-PF party, making it increasingly difficult for opposition leaders to assume power. Currently, the president is elected through a popular vote, but the proposed changes would allow parliament to elect the president, potentially paving the way for a dynastic succession.Public hearings on the bill have been marred by chaos and allegations of bias, with many citizens expressing concerns about the rushed and limited consultation process. Opponents of the bill, including former finance minister Tendai Biti and opposition leaders, have been arrested and intimidated.Supporters of the bill, however, argue that it will enhance political stability and allow Mnangagwa to complete his development projects. But critics counter that term limits are essential to preventing authoritarianism and ensuring peaceful transfers of power.As the bill moves forward, Zimbabweans are worried about the future of their democracy and the potential for further repression. The country's economy is in shambles, and many believe that Mnangagwa's extended term will only exacerbate the situation.

One year ago, US President Donald Trump introduced a 10% global tariff, sparking a trade war with far-reaching consequences. The immediate impact was severe, with the stock market experiencing its worst drop since the pandemic. In response, countries scrambled to negotiate deals with Washington or retaliate with their own tariffs. Recently, the Supreme Court ruled that most of Trump's tariffs are illegal, citing the president's lack of authority to impose broad, open-ended tariffs under a national emergency. However, this ruling did not end the trade war. Within hours, Trump invoked a different statute to launch a temporary tariff, set to expire in July. The effects of the tariffs have already reshaped the US economy. The average effective US tariff rate surged from 2.6% to over 13%, the highest level since World War II. This significant increase has led to higher costs for American consumers. According to the Tax Foundation, US households paid $1,000 more in 2025 for the same goods. Tarrifs work by imposing a tax on foreign goods and services, making them more expensive and encouraging local purchases. Despite Trump's promise that tariffs would reduce the trade deficit and make the US richer, the reality is that the average US consumer is worse off. The Penn Wharton Budget Model reports that the US collected over $287.1 billion in customs duties in 2025 and $64.4 billion in 2026. Economists at the Federal Reserve Bank of New York found that nearly 90% of the economic burden from tariffs has fallen on US businesses and consumers, with foreign exporters absorbing only a small percentage of the cost. Lower-income households have been disproportionately affected, as they spend a higher proportion of their earnings on essential goods like food, clothing, and transportation. Following the Supreme Court's ruling, the government may be required to refund up to $175 billion to businesses that paid the tariffs. With Trump's tariffs being replaced by a flat 10% tariff, the Tax Foundation projects that the average cost to US households will fall to about $600. While an improvement, it remains a significant cost for consumers.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Israel's death penalty law, recently making headlines, has been criticized for potentially disproportionately affecting Palestinians. The law, which allows for the imposition of the death penalty in certain cases, has been defended by its proponents as a necessary measure to deter serious crimes. However, opponents argue that it violates international human rights standards and is being used as a political tool to maintain control over the Palestinian population.The law has been met with widespread condemnation from human rights groups and critics who see it as part of a broader pattern of discrimination against Palestinians. They argue that the law undermines the rule of law and perpetuates a cycle of violence and oppression.In response to the criticism, Israeli officials have emphasized the law's purpose as a deterrent, claiming it will help to reduce the incidence of serious crimes. However, many experts and activists question the effectiveness of the death penalty as a deterrent and argue that it fails to address the root causes of violence.

In a bid to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and improve public health, thousands of New Yorkers are making the switch from gas stoves to induction stoves. A recent project in the Washington Heights area of Manhattan has installed induction stoves in 15 co-op apartments, providing residents with a cleaner and healthier way to cook.The project, supported by state and city governments, as well as non-profit groups, aims to reduce the risks associated with gas stoves, including nitrogen dioxide emissions and climate change. According to a study, people who replaced their gas stoves with electric alternatives were exposed to less than half the amount of nitrogen dioxide emissions.Residents, such as Marcos Ramos, are excited about the change. “It makes sense”, he said. “If you’re minimizing risk with the gas, the fire, then environmentally, health-wise, it makes sense. It’s logical.”The induction stoves, supplied by Copper, use magnetic fields to heat cookware directly, making them more efficient and environmentally friendly. The project is part of a larger effort to promote clean energy and reduce greenhouse gas emissions in New York City.Advocates claim that induction stoves are a viable alternative to gas, which has jumped in price amid the Iran war and poses health risks to residents. The city is also working on a $32m pilot to replace gas stoves in 10,000 apartments across the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) system.While some states, including New York, California, and Hawaii, are stepping up to promote induction stoves through rebate programs, others are facing resistance from the gas industry and Republican politicians.