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Recent maritime traffic reports confirm that vessels heading to Pakistan have passed through the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most crucial chokepoints for oil and cargo shipments.The transit underscores the strait’s importance for Pakistan’s trade routes, linking the nation’s ports with markets in the Gulf, Europe and beyond. Maintaining open and secure passage through this narrow passage remains essential for the stability of regional and global supply chains.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) released a comprehensive report titled None Can Run Away, concluding that Burkina Faso’s military, its allied Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDPs), and the al‑Qaeda‑linked Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wa al‑Muslimin (JNIM) have perpetrated war crimes and crimes against humanity since the coup that brought the junta to power in September 2022. Through in‑person and telephone interviews with more than 450 witnesses across Burkina Faso, Benin, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Mali, HRW verified 57 distinct incidents involving wilful killing, attacks on civilians and civilian objects, pillage, looting, and forced displacement. The report estimates that 1,837 civilians were killed between January 2023 and August 2025, with over 1,200 deaths directly linked to government forces. The United Nations estimates that the conflict has displaced approximately two million people, underscoring a humanitarian crisis of regional magnitude. Among the deadliest attacks, the military and VDP militias slaughtered more than 400 civilians across 16 villages near the northern town of Djibo in December 2023. In November 2023, allied militias killed 13 Fulani civilians—including six women and four children—in the western village of Basse, employing methods described by survivors as “blindfolded, hands tied, and riddled with bullets.” JNIM’s own atrocities were highlighted by the August 24, 2024 massacre in Barsalogho, where at least 133 civilians, many of them children, were shot indiscriminately. HRW’s findings point to a systematic targeting of the Fulani ethnic group, whom the junta accuses of supporting armed insurgents, resulting in what the report characterises as an ethnic cleansing of entire communities. HRW calls for urgent investigations into President Ibrahim Traoré, the supreme commander of the armed forces, and six senior military commanders for “grave abuses.” The organization also urges scrutiny of Iyad Ag Ghaly, JNIM’s supreme leader wanted by the International Criminal Court, and four of his commanders under the principle of command responsibility. “The scale of atrocities taking place in Burkina Faso is mind‑boggling, as is the lack of global attention to this crisis,” said Philippe Bolopion, executive director of HRW. “The junta is committing horrific abuses itself, failing to hold those responsible on all sides to account, and curtailing reporting to obscure the suffering of civilians caught in the violence.” Survivors recount harrowing details: a 41‑year‑old father described his son’s body “shot in the back of the neck,” while a 39‑year‑old witness to the Barsalogho attack said, “People were falling like flies. They came to exterminate us. They did not spare anyone.” These revelations amplify calls from the international community for accountability and for renewed humanitarian assistance to the millions displaced by the protracted Sahel conflict.

The Paris Appeals Court on Wednesday rejected Tunisia's request to extradite Halima Ben Ali, the daughter of the late former president Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who faces accusations of laundering assets acquired during her father's 1987‑2011 rule.The ruling was anchored in Tunisia's failure to provide guarantees of an independent and impartial trial, a prerequisite under French and international extradition standards.Halima Ben Ali was detained in September 2025 at Tunisia's behest as she prepared to board a flight from Paris to Dubai. Authorities allege she participated in the laundering of wealth amassed under her father's regime.Her lawyer, Samia Maktouf, warned that sending her back would be tantamount to “a death sentence.” After the verdict, Maktouf described the decision as “an immense relief” and affirmed that justice had been served in accordance with the law.Tunisian prosecutors say the alleged financial crimes could carry a sentence of up to 20 years in prison, underscoring the broader push to recover misappropriated assets and hold the Ben Ali family accountable more than a decade after the Arab Spring uprisings.The case revives debate over the legacy of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who was ousted in 2011, fled to Saudi Arabia, died in exile in 2019, and was sentenced in absentia to life imprisonment by a Tunisian court.While the French decision may strain diplomatic ties, it also signals Paris' commitment to uphold procedural safeguards when handling extradition requests linked to politically sensitive cases.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

SpaceX has submitted paperwork for an initial public offering that could debut as early as June or July, targeting a capital raise of $75 billion. If the market pricing aligns with analysts’ forecasts, the launch could lift the company’s valuation to nearly $1.5 trillion, roughly double its worth in December. Such a valuation would place founder Elon Musk on a clear trajectory toward becoming the planet’s first trillionaire, a milestone that would eclipse the $25.6 billion record set by Saudi Aramco’s 2019 IPO. Renaissance Capital’s data analyst Angelo Bochanis told Reuters that, much like Tesla, SpaceX’s market price will hinge on investor confidence in Musk’s long‑term vision. "Investors are clamouring for any exposure to SpaceX," he added. Despite Musk’s controversial public persona and his involvement in multiple high‑profile ventures, industry experts remain bullish. Kat Liu, vice‑president at IPOX, noted that SpaceX is "operationally mature, technologically ahead in several key areas, and profitable," providing a solid foundation for a public listing. The company’s recent merger with Musk’s artificial‑intelligence startup xAI and the continued dominance of its Starlink satellite network—now the world’s largest satellite communications platform—have reinforced investor interest. SpaceX’s ambitious roadmap includes a lunar base and a crewed Mars mission, though timelines remain uncertain. Musk has previously admitted a "50‑50 chance" of delivering an uncrewed Starship to Mars by the end of 2026. Financial data firm Pitchbook estimates the IPO could nearly double the company’s market cap, underscoring the scale of potential investor demand. If realized, the offering would not only reshape the space‑tech sector but also set a new benchmark for public market fundraising.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

The ongoing closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial oil and gas shipping route blocked by Iran since the US-Israeli attacks began, is having ripple effects around the world. If the strait remains closed, transport blockages across the Middle East could cause significant shocks to food and medicine supplies in the UK.UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper is hosting a meeting with 35 other countries to discuss reopening the strait. Experts warn that a prolonged closure could lead to food price inflation doubling in England and medicine shortages due to disrupted supply chains.Impact on Food SuppliesProf Tim Lang from City St George's, University of London, warns that 'all bets are off' for food supplies if the crisis continues. Rising fossil fuel prices will impact food transportation and production, as fuel is used to transport food and produce fertilizers and other inputs.The farming sector is already facing problems, with dairy production hit due to delayed fertilizer purchases and salad vegetable and dairy producers facing disruptions. Iranian imports like pistachios and saffron are also affected.Impact on Medicine SuppliesWhile there's no hard evidence of medicine shortages yet, price increases are being seen, which can signal disruptions in the medicine supply chain. Iran does not manufacture many medicines but affects the sector through rising energy costs and transport links between major pharmaceutical-producing countries and the UK.David Weeks from Moody's notes that shortages are driven by delays in petrochemical precursors for active pharmaceutical ingredients. Medicine stockpiles in European countries, including the UK, can last up to six months, but long-term conflicts could lead to more severe shortages.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

A blinking fault light on NASA’s Orion spacecraft signalled a malfunction in the Universal Waste Management System (UWMS) just as the historic Artemis II crew began their 10‑day lunar‑orbit mission. Mission control reported the issue was resolved within minutes, stating: “Happy to report that toilet is go for use. We do recommend letting the system get to operating speed before donating fluid, and then letting it run a little bit after donation.”The $30 million (≈£22.6 million) UWMS, years in development, is hailed as a breakthrough in deep‑space sanitation, dramatically improving on the primitive setups used during Apollo. Back then, astronauts used a condom‑like urine collector and a bagged solid‑waste system that was prone to leaks and even produced “a turd floating through the air,” according to mission transcripts.Orion now features a private toilet cubicle – the first of its kind on a space shuttle – accessed through a floor hatch beside the main entry hatch. Handrails and foot tethers keep the crew anchored while inside.“We’re pretty fortunate as a crew to get a toilet with a door on this tiny spacecraft,” noted Jeremy Hansen of the Canadian Space Agency in a pre‑launch video. “The one place during the mission where we can go and actually feel like we’re alone for a moment.”The system uses a funnel attached to a hose for urine and a small seat for solid waste. Because everything floats, faeces are suctioned into a sealed bag at the bowl’s base and then compressed into a canister. The suction is loud enough that the cubicle is insulated and crew members must wear ear protection while using it.On longer stays, such as ISS missions, astronauts now recycle almost all liquid waste, turning urine and sweat into drinkable water. For the short Artemis II flight, urine will be vented daily and solid waste stored for disposal after return to Earth.Beyond comfort, the upgraded toilet is a mission‑critical component for NASA’s goal of a permanent lunar presence. Sustainable waste handling prevents health risks and avoids contaminating the pristine space environment with Earth microbes. As historian David Munns explained, “Actually thinking about not only toilets but the entire life‑support systems is one of the foundations of long‑term living in space.”