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The traditional No 9 striker, once a cornerstone of football, is becoming increasingly obsolete. The partnership of Andy Cole and Dwight Yorke at Manchester United in the late 1990s exemplifies a bygone era when strikers were the main goal-scoring threats. Today, the Premier League's leading scorers are more likely to be wingers, No 10s, or false 9s.Data from Opta shows that strikers scored 41.6% of the Premier League's goals two decades ago, compared to 25.9% this season. The decline of traditional center-forwards is further evidenced by the decrease in standout individual striker performances. Between 2007 and 2012, there were four seasons with 10 or more hat-tricks by center-forwards; in the past nine seasons, this threshold has been met only once.The England national team faces a significant challenge with Harry Kane, their all-time leading scorer, approaching retirement. Beyond Kane, the options are limited, with Dominic Solanke and Dominic Calvert-Lewin failing to impress. The lack of quality strikers raises concerns about England's future prospects.Experts attribute the decline of the No 9 to the redefinition of the role and the increased emphasis on possession-based football. Emile Heskey notes that the traditional striker's job has changed, with more focus on creating space for other players. René Meulensteen argues that specialized striker training is essential to develop No 9s, but such training has been neglected in favor of more generalized sessions.However, there is hope that a successful team utilizing a lethal strike partnership could revive demand for traditional No 9s. Dean Whitehouse believes that if a manager starts winning trophies with paired strikers, other teams will follow suit, and the demand for No 9s will return. The abundance of technically gifted players, fostered by initiatives like Gareth Southgate's push for smaller-sided games at youth level, may yet lead to a resurgence of the traditional No 9.

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

Argentina has taken a significant step in its diplomatic relations with Iran by expelling the Iranian charge d'affaires in Buenos Aires, Mohsen Tehrani. This move comes in response to Iran's rejection of Argentina's decision to blacklist the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) as a 'terrorist' group.The Foreign Ministry of Argentina stated that Iran's response contained 'false, offensive and unfounded accusations against the Argentinian Republic and its highest authorities.' The ministry emphasized that these statements constitute unacceptable interference in Argentina's internal affairs and a deliberate misrepresentation of decisions adopted in accordance with international law and national law.Iran's Foreign Ministry had condemned Argentina's move against the IRGC, calling it an 'action against Iran's security and national interests.' Tehran accused Argentina of making this decision 'under the influence of inducements and pressures from the genocidal and occupying Zionist regime,' referring to Israel.The designation of the IRGC as a 'terrorist' group by Argentina follows similar moves by the US in 2019 and the European Union in January. Argentina's President Javier Milei, who has taken staunchly pro-Israel positions, described himself as 'the most Zionist president in the world.'The relationship between Argentina and Iran has been strained, particularly over the 1994 bombing of a Jewish centre in Buenos Aires, which an Argentinian court ruled was carried out by Iran. Iran has denied its involvement in the attack.Milei's government cited the 1994 attack in its decision to blacklist the IRGC. The Argentinian Ministry of Foreign Affairs accused Iran of failing to cooperate with the probe or hand over suspects in the case, stating that 'The Argentine Republic will not tolerate grievances or interference from a State that has systematically failed to comply with its international obligations and that persists in obstructing the progress of justice.'

A Lahore court has ruled in favor of Pakistani singer Ali Zafar in his defamation case against fellow singer Meesha Shafi. On Tuesday, the court ordered Shafi to pay Zafar 5 million rupees ($17,900) in damages.Zafar sued Shafi for defamation in 2018 after she accused him of sexual harassment in Pakistan’s highest-profile #MeToo case.The court’s ruling states that a 2018 social media post by Shafi and an interview she gave to a lifestyle magazine contained “false, defamatory and injurious imputations” against Zafar. The court found that her allegations of sexual harassment of a physical nature had not been proved to be true or shown to be made for the public good, and therefore constituted actionable defamation.The court's decision has sparked concerns that it may set a “deeply troubling precedent” that could discourage victims of sexual harassment from speaking out. Nighat Dad, Shafi's lawyer, stated that the appeal is likely to challenge the judgement on several grounds, including the trial court's selective interpretation of evidence and failure to consider material evidence presented by Shafi.The dispute between Shafi and Zafar has unfolded over several years, with both parties filing complaints against each other. Shafi’s original complaint of sexual harassment against Zafar has been pending before the Supreme Court for several years, and her civil defamation suit against Zafar is also still pending.

Israel has unleashed a significant military operation against Iran, launching two waves of attacks on Tehran and killing a senior Hezbollah commander. The attacks have escalated tensions in the region, with Iran's president, Masoud Pezeshkian, denying claims of a ceasefire request.US President Donald Trump has claimed that Iran's leadership is seeking a ceasefire, but Iran's foreign ministry spokesperson has denied this, calling Trump's account 'false and baseless'.The conflict has resulted in at least 1,900 people killed and 20,000 injured in Iran, according to estimates from the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent societies. The Israeli military has also reported that 10 of its soldiers have been killed since fighting broke out on the Lebanese front.The attacks have had significant economic implications, with the strait of Hormuz effectively closed to oil and gas tankers and other merchant shipping since the beginning of the conflict, hiking oil prices and causing critical shortages around the world.Iran's president has written to Americans, asking which of their interests are being served by this war, and stating that Iranians 'harbor no enmity towards other nations, including the people of America'. The conflict continues to escalate, with further waves of attacks reported across the densely populated centre of Israel.

Three longtime FBI special agents—Michelle Ball, Jamie Garman and Blaire Toleman—have initiated a class‑action lawsuit asserting that they were dismissed without cause in October and November 2025 as part of a "retribution campaign" orchestrated by the Trump administration.The complaint, filed on Tuesday, contends that the termination letters, signed by FBI Director Kash Patel, falsely accused the agents of "weaponising" their positions and were intended to punish them for their work on a special‑counsel investigation into Donald Trump’s efforts to remain in power after the 2020 election.Each agent brings between eight and fourteen years of service to the case, underscoring their status as career, non‑partisan law‑enforcement professionals. In their statement, they emphasized that they "took an oath to uphold the Constitution" and that their removal "without due process" constitutes a "profound injustice" that threatens the apolitical nature of federal policing.The lawsuit references a 48‑page complaint that details how the agents were abruptly terminated after being assigned to support Special Counsel Jack Smith’s probe, which ultimately led to Trump’s 2023 indictment for alleged illegal attempts to overturn his electoral defeat. Although that case was later dropped following Trump’s 2024 re‑election—citing a DOJ policy barring prosecution of sitting presidents—the agents argue that the subsequent firings were retaliatory.Legal analysts note that the suit could set a precedent for other former law‑enforcement officials who claim they were ousted for perceived disloyalty. A separate group of twelve ex‑FBI employees previously sued over alleged wrongful termination after kneeling during a 2020 protest, highlighting a broader pattern of disputes over political interference.By alleging that the administration’s actions "impugned the professional reputation" of the plaintiffs and the broader class of agents, the filing seeks not only reinstatement but also damages for defamation and wrongful termination.

Coordinated strikes by United States and Israeli forces hit Tehran, Isfahan and several other Iranian cities on Tuesday, prompting widespread power outages and extensive damage to civilian sites. The Ministry of Energy confirmed that shrapnel from the raids ruptured a primary power‑transfer line, but the outage was restored within a few hours. Among the most critical targets was the Tofigh Darou pharmaceutical complex in the Karaj industrial zone. The facility, which supplies over 90% of Iran’s domestically produced medicines—including cancer and multiple‑sclerosis treatments—sustained heavy damage from multiple projectiles. In central Iran, Isfahan endured a barrage of heavy bunker‑buster bombs over a nearby mountainous area, likely aimed at military installations. The explosions triggered secondary blasts that illuminated the night sky and produced reverberating shockwaves across the city. North‑west of Tehran, in Zanjan, a building identified as the administrative department of the Hosseinieh Azam religious centre was struck, resulting in at least four fatalities and several injuries. Iranian authorities now claim that more than 2,000 people have been killed by US‑Israeli attacks since the conflict erupted on 28 February, with residential blocks, schools, hospitals and historic sites also affected. Additional targets this week included civilian nuclear facilities, major steel producers, petrochemical plants, and the Iran University of Science and Technology, where an imaging satellite was developed. A professor linked to Iran’s missile programme and his two children were assassinated at their home in northern Tehran. U.S. President Donald Trump reiterated threats to strike Iran’s oil and gas infrastructure, power plants and water‑desalination facilities. Despite the onslaught, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) continues to project defiance. A spokesperson for the Khatam al‑Anbiya Central Headquarters declared that Tehran’s adversaries are “humiliated and on the path of destruction,” while senior commander Ali Fadavi warned that American warships are vulnerable and allegedly transmit false transponder signals. The IRGC also released footage of ballistic missiles aimed at Israel and surrounding nations, and claimed to have downed two U.S. MQ‑9 Reaper drones, promising retaliatory strikes against technology firms linked to the United States and Israel. Domestically, the judiciary announced the execution of two members of the foreign‑based Mojahedin‑e‑Khalq (MEK) group, labeling them terrorists. This follows a series of recent executions tied to the January protests and broader dissent. Authorities also issued new indictments against roughly 200 individuals accused of assisting the U.S. and Israel, including alleged “mercenaries” who disseminated strike footage abroad. Penalties for national‑security offenses now encompass asset confiscation and capital punishment. President Masoud Pezeshkian convened his first cabinet meeting since the war’s onset in a makeshift, blue‑covered space, emphasizing that any peace negotiations will safeguard Iran’s “dignity, security and national interests.” Israel’s Channel 14 reported that Pezeshkian sought greater negotiating leverage with the United States, a request allegedly rebuffed by IRGC chief Ahmad Vahidi.

The United States Department of Defense has strongly denied allegations that a broker for Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth attempted to make a large investment in weapons companies in the run-up to the war on Iran. The denial comes after a report by The Financial Times claimed that a wealth manager for Hegseth contacted BlackRock about making a multimillion-dollar investment in a defence-related fund.Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell demanded the immediate retraction of the report, stating that the allegations were 'entirely false and fabricated.' He emphasized that neither Secretary Hegseth nor any of his representatives approached BlackRock about any such investment.The proposed investment was reportedly in an exchange-traded fund whose holdings include Lockheed Martin and Northrop Grumman. However, according to The Financial Times, the investment did not go ahead because the fund was not yet available for purchase at the time.The report has sparked scrutiny of well-timed trades in financial and prediction markets, fueling speculation that figures with insider knowledge may be profiting from US President Donald Trump's war plans.Despite the denial, the incident has raised concerns about the integrity of defence-related investments and the potential for insider trading.

On a surprisingly quiet evening at Wembley, England’s 1-0 defeat to Japan unfolded in a half‑hour that was more ceremonial than competitive. The opening thirty minutes were fluffy and formless, offering little in the way of decisive play but plenty of clues about the team’s underlying issues.For manager Thomas Tuchel, the concession of the opening goal will likely linger in post‑match analysis sessions. The loss adds another chapter to what critics describe as the “never‑ending story of England footballdom,” where each friendly serves as a diagnostic test rather than a showcase of progress.Injuries and omissions forced Tuchel to field a makeshift side featuring Phil Foden, Morgan Rogers, Cole Palmer and Kobbie Mainoo. The line‑up lacked traditional power runners and aerial threats, resembling a “false nine” formation that felt experimental but ultimately failed to generate a clear tactical identity.Japan’s solitary goal came after Palmer lost possession in an attacking area, leaving a void that England’s midfield could not fill. The Japanese attack exploited the space, threading a pass through the centre of England’s formation and scoring with ease. The goal underscored England’s lack of pressure and positional awareness in the defensive third.Despite the disappointment, the match offered a glimpse of individual talent. Harry Maguire and Dan Burn were deployed on set‑pieces, and Jude Bellingham remained an unused asset, highlighting the depth of options available for the upcoming World Cup.Atmospherically, the match resembled a village fête more than a high‑stakes international fixture. Pre‑match entertainment featured a medley of music, fireworks and quirky performances, creating a backdrop that contrasted sharply with the on‑field performance.Analysts noted that England’s approach felt like an attempt to dress up “borrowed tactical clothes” rather than a coherent game plan. The lack of a defined structure left the side vulnerable to Japan’s disciplined, technically sound play.Looking ahead, Tuchel now faces the task of reconciling his experimental selections with the need for a pragmatic, battle‑ready squad. The friendly serves as a reminder that, while England possesses individual brilliance, the team must resolve its tactical ambiguities if it hopes to contend seriously for the 2026 World Cup.