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Blanche McIntyre reimagines Noël Coward’s classic Private Lives at Manchester’s Royal Exchange Theatre with a daring in‑the‑round set that spins the audience into the couple’s turbulent romance.The production opens in a sleek, monochrome French resort designed by Dick Bird. As ex‑spouses Amanda (played with acid poise by Jill Halfpenny) and Elyot (delivered with dry detachment by Steve John Shepherd) collide on their respective honeymoons, the stage begins to rotate, creating a queasy, carnival‑like atmosphere that mirrors their escalating desire and spite.Both characters quickly abandon their new partners—Victor, a self‑satisfied ordinary portrayed by Daniel Millar, and the hysterically grating Sibyl, embodied by Shazia Nicholls—and flee to Paris. In Amanda’s cluttered flat, surrounded by half‑eaten meals and booze, the rekindled romance begins to sour, exposing the uglier layers of their destructive bond.The chemistry between Halfpenny and Shepherd shines as they deliver Coward’s razor‑sharp bon mots with effortless flair. Yet, in the second act, the performance feels slightly restrained; moments of lust and violence are hinted at rather than fully unleashed, leaving the climactic confrontation somewhat blunted despite the frantic spinning set.Supporting roles add texture: Millar’s Victor exudes contented self‑importance, while Nicholls hints at a hidden cunning beneath Sibyl’s hysterics. Sara Lessore’s turn as the Parisian maid Louise underscores the privileged caprices of the main characters.Overall, the production presents Amanda and Elyot’s relationship as a capricious game between sophisticated players rather than a dangerously irresistible passion, a nuance amplified by the theatrical whirl that never quite loses control.The show runs at the Royal Exchange until 2 May, offering theatre‑goers a uniquely dizzy experience of Coward’s wit and venom.

The United States is expanding its military footprint in the Gulf as the US‑Israel war with Iran enters its second month. Since the Feb. 28 launch of Operation Epic Fury, a joint air campaign targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, more than four weeks of strikes have resulted in thousands of casualties.Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the deployment of a third aircraft carrier, the USS George HW Bush, joining the USS Abraham Lincoln, which is currently conducting daily combat sorties from the Arabian Sea, and the USS Gerald Ford, now under maintenance in Croatia.These carrier groups carry thousands of sailors, Marines and specialised support personnel, forming the core of the US’s power projection in the region.Carrier Strike Group (CSG) refers to an aircraft carrier plus its escort ships and support units that together function as a floating base. A typical CSG includes:An aircraft carrier60‑75 fighter jets and helicopters2‑4 Arleigh Burke‑class destroyersA guided‑missile cruiserA submarine for underwater protectionSupply shipsAs of April 1, the USS Abraham Lincoln remains the only carrier launching daily combat missions against Iranian targets, while the USS George HW Bush is en route and expected to eventually replace the Gerald Ford in the Mediterranean.Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) operates as a mini‑carrier, carrying US Marines and equipment for sea‑to‑land invasions. The USS Tripoli ARG arrived in the Middle East on March 27, and the USS Boxer ARG is expected to join the theater by mid‑April. An ARG typically comprises:Three specialised ships~2,200 Marines (a Marine Expeditionary Unit)Short‑takeoff aircraftLanding craft for beach assaultsThe key distinction: ARGs are built to land troops on shore, whereas CSGs are designed to project air power and conduct major naval warfare.A Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is a rapid‑response, self‑contained force of 2,200‑2,500 Marine Corps personnel capable of combat and humanitarian missions. On Friday, US Central Command confirmed that 2,200 Marines from the 31st MEU arrived in Middle Eastern waters after departing Sasebo, Japan, on March 13. A second unit, the 11th MEU with roughly 2,500 Marines, is inbound after leaving San Diego on March 18.The Pentagon has also ordered about 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division to move to the region, adding to the approximately 50,000 US troops already stationed in the Middle East.An MEU is organized into four elements:Command Element – ~200 personnel for planning and command‑and‑control.Ground Combat Element – ~1,200 troops centered on an infantry battalion with artillery and armoured vehicles.Aviation Combat Element – ~500 personnel operating transport helicopters, attack aircraft and Osprey tilt‑rotors.Logistics Combat Element – ~300 personnel providing up to 15 days of self‑sustainment, including medical, engineering and maintenance support.MEUs are typically deployed aboard a three‑ship ARG, which serves as a floating base. The ships include:Landing Helicopter Assault/Dock – a small carrier carrying short‑takeoff aircraft such as F‑35Bs and attack helicopters.Amphibious Transport Dock – a mid‑size vessel transporting troops and heavy vehicles.Dock Landing Ship – primarily for cargo and heavy equipment.MEUs can execute sea‑to‑land assaults, raids, evacuations, humanitarian aid and disaster‑relief operations, and they are often the first forces on the ground in emerging conflicts.The US Marine Corps maintains seven active MEUs; the 31st (Asia‑Pacific) and 11th (West Coast) are currently assigned to the Iran war. The other units are distributed as follows:East Coast: 22nd, 24th, 26th MEUWest Coast: 11th, 13th, 15th MEUAsia‑Pacific: 31st MEUTypically, three MEUs are forward‑positioned at any time, rotating through deployments in the Mediterranean, Gulf and Asia‑Pacific regions.Historically, MEUs have played pivotal roles in US operations: during the 2001 Afghanistan invasion, the 15th and 26th MEUs conducted one of the longest amphibious vertical insertions; in 2003‑2004 they helped secure Iraqi ports and fought in Fallujah; and in 2024 they provided sea‑based support for the attempted abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

Ben Jamal, director of the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, and Chris Nineham, vice‑chair of the Stop the War Coalition, were each convicted on Wednesday for breaching conditions set by the Metropolitan Police during a large‑scale pro‑Palestine rally on 18 January 2025. The court found they failed to keep the march within a police‑designated zone in central London and, in Jamal’s case, actively encouraged other demonstrators to do the same. The trial, held at Westminster Magistrates’ Court, concluded that both men were fully aware of the restrictions, given their leadership roles in planning the event. The judges noted that Jamal’s remarks amounted to “incitement” because they urged participants to disregard the stipulated boundaries, including the area surrounding the BBC headquarters on Portland Place. Supporters packed the public gallery, with former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn among those present as the verdict was read, according to the PA news agency. In response, the Palestine Solidarity Campaign described the ruling as a “disgraceful decision” and asserted that “the fight is not over.” The statement, posted on X, warned that the judgment undermines the fundamental right to protest. Human Rights Watch UK director Yasmine Ahmed condemned the outcome, calling it a “black mark on British democracy” and suggesting the verdict is part of a broader governmental effort to silence dissent against Israel’s actions in Gaza. The conviction arrives amid mounting tension between law‑enforcement agencies and the UK’s sizable Palestine solidarity movement. Since the conflict in Gaza escalated in October 2023, tens of thousands of Britons have taken to the streets, and thousands of peaceful demonstrators have been arrested for displaying slogans such as “I oppose genocide, I support Palestine Action.” Human Rights Watch’s research highlights a “disproportionate targeting” of pro‑Palestine activists, arguing that the current anti‑protest legislation threatens the ability to protest without fear of harassment. Activists are already gearing up for another large gathering scheduled for 11 April, when supporters of the direct‑action group Palestine Action plan to demonstrate again in London, despite recent arrests and ongoing legal pressure. Overall, the verdict underscores a growing debate over the balance between public order and civil liberties in the United Kingdom, with implications for future demonstrations linked to the Gaza war and broader international human‑rights concerns.

Anthropic, a leading AI developer, has suffered a significant source code leak of its AI-powered coding assistant, Claude Code. The incident occurred due to "human error" during a software update, which mistakenly included an internal-use file pointing to an archive containing nearly 2,000 files and 500,000 lines of code.The leaked code was quickly copied to the developer platform GitHub, where a post sharing a link to the code garnered over 29 million views. A rewritten version of the source code rapidly became GitHub's fastest-ever downloaded repository. In response, Anthropic issued copyright takedown requests to try to contain the code's spread.Analysis of the leaked code revealed blueprints for a Tamagotchi-esque coding assistant and an always-on AI agent. Anthropic assured that the exposed code did not contain confidential data from Claude, the underlying AI model. However, some experts worry that the leak suggests internal security vulnerabilities within Anthropic, which could be particularly troubling for a company focused on AI safety.The leak could also benefit competitors like OpenAI and Google by providing them with insights into Claude Code's AI system. This incident is the second data leak for Anthropic in recent weeks, following a separate breach that exposed thousands of internal files on publicly accessible systems.The US government has designated Anthropic as a supply chain risk, a designation the company is contesting in court. This latest breach comes at a critical time for Anthropic, as its paid subscriber base continues to grow and its Claude chatbot gains popularity.

Graham Potter arrived in Stockholm with a bruised résumé – dismissed from Chelsea and West Ham – only to inherit a Swedish side that had languished at the bottom of their qualifying group.Against the odds, the duo have now clinched a place at the 2026 FIFA World Cup, thanks to a dramatic playoff victory over Poland that Potter described as “the best night I’ve had in football”.The story reads like a script: a manager dismissed twice in quick succession, a national team rescued by the repechage mechanism of the Nations League, and a last‑minute strike from striker Viktor Gyökeres that sealed the win.Sweden’s qualifying record was bleak – two draws and four defeats in six matches, leaving them behind Switzerland, Kosovo and Slovenia. The team’s fortunes changed only after the Nations League granted a second‑chance pathway for the four best group winners who had not qualified directly.The system, designed to give emerging nations a shortcut past the coefficient hurdle, unintentionally benefited Sweden. After being relegated to League C in 2022‑23, they topped their 2024‑25 group ahead of Slovakia, Estonia and Azerbaijan, earning a spot in the World Cup playoffs.Potter acknowledged the luck of the draw but emphasized that Sweden made the most of the opportunity, turning a “darkest hour” into a dawn of redemption.When Potter took over, the squad was plagued by injuries and a three‑game winless streak. His own career had stalled after a brief, high‑profile stint at Chelsea – highlighted by a Champions League win over Borussia Dortmund – and an unfulfilling spell at West Ham.Sweden’s early results under Potter were mixed: a 4‑1 loss to Switzerland and a 1‑1 draw with Slovenia. However, decisive victories over Ukraine and then Poland in the playoffs propelled them to Qatar.Fans in Stockholm now regard Potter with near‑heroic reverence, recalling his earlier triumphs with Östersund, where he guided the modest club from a 50,000‑person town to three promotions and a Swedish Cup win.During the post‑match press conference, Potter brought his children – decked in Swedish kits – to the front row, describing Gyökeres’s late winner as an “out‑of‑body experience”. Yet he remained modest, crediting the staff and the collective effort of the squad.“We stripped everything back to the basics, got the team together and let the talent speak,” Potter said. “It’s a team game – individual brilliance only shines when the whole unit clicks.”Poland may question how two playoff wins outweigh six qualifying matches, but the narrative underscores the power of redemption in sport. Potter summed it up: “My career has had amazing nights, but reaching the World Cup – wow, this is incredible.”

Recent commentary on the Iran school bombing rightly challenges the knee‑jerk tendency to blame artificial intelligence for the tragedy. The deeper issue, however, lies in the emerging linguistic habit of labeling incidents as "AI errors," which subtly removes the human actors from the narrative.When responsibility is shifted from people to systems, moral accountability becomes vague. Human designers, authorisers and operators remain the decision‑makers, even if the technology automates the final act. Concealing this fact is not a technical flaw; it is a civic failure that hampers accountability.Beyond accelerating warfare, AI is fostering a subtler shift: using automation as an alibi. If public discourse cannot pinpoint who acted, the public cannot hold anyone to account.Critics also note that the language used to describe rogue AI agents—terms like “connived,” “lied,” or “cheated”—anthropomorphises machines and further obscures responsibility. As Dr. Felicity Mellor of Imperial College London observes, such phrasing assigns moral agency to large language models instead of the people who deploy them.Consider a hypothetical where a company releases high‑speed vehicles without functional brakes. We would not say the cars "connived" to cause accidents; we would blame the company’s reckless leadership. Similarly, if uncontrolled AI ever harms civilians, we must be able to hold technology firms and the governments that endorse them accountable, which requires clear attribution of moral agency in our language.Anthony LawtonMarket Harborough, LeicestershireDr. Felicity MellorDirector, Science Communication Unit, Imperial College London

Manchester United Women saw their Women's Champions League campaign end in the quarter‑finals after Bayern Munich scored two late goals to win 5‑3 on aggregate.The English side led for the first 70 minutes, thanks to Melvine Malard’s opener. However, Bayern’s relentless pressure produced a Glódís Viggósdóttir header and a Linda Dallmann half‑volley, sealing a comeback that left United stunned.United’s manager Marc Skinner lamented the impact of injuries, noting that eight first‑team players were unavailable. “If we had those players, I honestly think we could have gone through tonight,” he said, emphasizing the need for a squad with greater experience and depth.Skinner’s remarks came on the same day the Football Association disclosed that six WSL clubs spent more on agent fees than United in the year to February 2026, while United’s wage bill was reported to be only half that of Arsenal. The manager added, “We need to design the squad with that depth of experience in order to reach that stage… we’ll learn what investment is really needed.”Despite a spirited first half—United dominated possession, created several chances and kept the aggregate level at 3‑3—fatigue set in. Skinner observed, “Bayern rested seven players at the weekend, and it showed in the second half. Freshness was the key difference.”The defeat means United must finish in the top three of the Women’s Super League to qualify for next season’s Champions League. Currently fourth, they face challenging away fixtures against Tottenham and Chelsea, making their qualification hopes uncertain.

Alisha Joyce stepped back onto the rugby field in March, just 123 days after delivering her son, and a week later secured a place in Wales’ squad for the upcoming Women’s Six Nations. The 28‑year‑old described the selection as a surprise, but welcomed the chance to inspire the next generation of players.Joyce is the first Welsh international to tap into the new performance maternity programme, a policy designed to support athletes through pregnancy and return to elite competition. She shares her newborn, Ralphie, with her wife and teammate Jasmine Joyce, and has logged only 30 minutes of senior rugby since her comeback, coming off the bench for Brython Thunder.Wales head coach Sean Lynn delivered the call‑up unexpectedly. Joyce said she hopes to contribute her experience to a squad that includes nine uncapped players, acknowledging her new role as one of the senior members and a mentor for younger teammates.Having missed last year’s Six Nations and World Cup due to pregnancy, Joyce now brings her son to the training camp, describing the first four‑and‑a‑half months of parenthood as “incredible” and a source of motivation.Sleep deprivation posed a major challenge, especially given the importance of recovery in elite sport. Joyce noted that after the initial three months of erratic nights, Ralphie’s routine has settled, allowing her to focus more on training and performance.She cited teammate Abbie Ward—the first England player to have a baby while under a professional contract—as a key influence in deciding to continue her career after motherhood. Joyce reflected on the broader dilemma many athletes face: balancing the desire for a family with the timing of major tournaments and potential Lions selection.Both Joyce and Jasmine underwent IVF, a process that required careful planning and preparation. Joyce called the decision to pursue parenthood “one of the best” they’ve made, emphasizing how quickly life can change when a child is involved.Looking ahead, Joyce aims to earn playing time in the Six Nations, which kicks off against Scotland on 11 April, and has set her sights on the inaugural women’s British & Irish Lions tour in 2027. She hopes her journey shows young girls that they can excel in sport while being mothers, and she remains determined to return to top form.

Palantir’s claim that opposition to its NHS contract is driven by ideology was rebuked by Chi Onwurah, the Labour MP who chairs Parliament’s science, innovation and technology select committee. Onwurah said it is appropriate for ministers to explore a break‑clause option in the deal, underscoring the seriousness of the concerns raised. Louis Mosley, Palantir’s UK executive vice‑chair, had urged the government not to succumb to “ideologically motivated campaigners” as officials weighed a way out of a £330 million contract to deliver the Federated Data Platform (FDP) for NHS England. Ministers have now asked for advice on triggering the contract’s break clause amid growing scrutiny of Palantir’s expanding role in the public sector. The FDP is an AI‑enabled platform designed to integrate disparate health information across the NHS. Palantir already holds contracts with the Ministry of Defence, several police forces and the UK’s financial watchdog, the FCA. Onwurah’s cross‑party committee is set to publish its report in the coming weeks, covering the digital reorganisation of government services and the role of AI after a series of hearings that included experts, NHS leaders and representatives from companies such as Palantir. She identified three core issues: the manner in which the contract was awarded, the handling of patient data and the resulting trust deficit within the NHS, and the involvement of Peter Mandelson through his firm Global Counsel. “These are not fringe ideological concerns,” Onwurah told the Guardian. “They relate to contract transparency, vendor lock‑in, value for money and data security – matters that should concern everyone pushing the NHS towards digital transformation.” She added that the NHS’s post‑COVID fatigue and austerity‑driven burnout make any additional trust‑related resentment a significant barrier to progress. Onwurah noted that Palantir secured the contract after providing services to the NHS at a nominal cost – a tactic often used by large tech firms to position themselves as the most attractive government supplier. “It is right for the government to explore all options, including breaking the contract, given ongoing concerns about FDP uptake while Palantir remains at the helm,” she said. Liberal Democrat MP Martin Wrigley, also on the committee, urged the government to commission a new consortium of UK‑based tech experts to build a home‑grown NHS platform. During a previous committee appearance, Mosley accused British doctors of placing “ideology over patient interest” after they challenged the data‑processing contract. Speaking to the Times, Mosley warned that removing Palantir could jeopardise patient care and stall solutions to the NHS’s biggest challenges, arguing that the campaign against the firm would do more harm than good.