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For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

The US government has taken legal action against Illinois for attempting to regulate the rapidly growing online prediction market industry. The lawsuit, filed in Chicago federal court, claims that Illinois' efforts to shut down so-called designated contract markets regulated by the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) are unlawful.Online prediction markets allow users to bet on a wide range of events, from Oscar winners to military conflicts. These platforms classify their offerings as 'event derivatives,' which fall under federal commodities law and are overseen by the CFTC. This classification allows them to operate in all 50 states for users 18 and older.Illinois introduced legislation earlier this year that would impose strict regulations on prediction markets, including an effective ban on sports-related trades, advertising restrictions, and age verification measures. The CFTC argues that this legislation intrudes on its exclusive authority to regulate national swaps markets.The lawsuit is the first by the CFTC to block state gaming regulators from policing operators of prediction markets. It cites cease-and-desist letters sent by the Illinois gaming board to companies like Kalshi, Polymarket, and Crypto.com, alleging violations of Illinois gambling laws.The federal lawsuit names Illinois Governor JB Pritzker and Illinois Attorney General Kwame Raoul as defendants. The case highlights the ongoing debate over the regulation of prediction markets, with some arguing they are essentially gambling operations and others seeing them as federally regulated financial exchanges.Congress is also considering federal measures to regulate prediction markets, including a bipartisan bill introduced by US senators that would ban federally regulated platforms from allowing wagers on sporting events.

Recent weeks have been a test of resolve for Chelsea. A humiliating 3‑0 loss to Paris Saint‑Germain in the Champions League last‑16, coupled with a slide in the Premier League, has left the Blues scrambling for answers. Adding to the chaos, two of the squad’s most influential players have gone public. Argentine midfielder Enzo Fernández hinted at a summer move, saying, "I really like Madrid, it’s similar to Buenos Aires," while left‑back Marc Cucurella told The Athletic that the club is paying the price for its inexperience and that the PSG defeat has left the dressing‑room "discouraged". These remarks strike at the heart of Chelsea’s BlueCo‑era project, which has relied on signing young talent to build a sustainable future. Critics point out that, unlike Manchester United’s Class of ’92, Chelsea lacks seasoned veterans to mentor the newcomers. The debate resurfaced when Liam Rosenior was appointed head coach in January, with the club’s hierarchy insisting that a long‑term contract (six‑and‑a‑half years) will give him time to nurture the squad. Leadership dynamics are also under scrutiny. Fernández, who wears the captain’s armband in Reece James’s absence, publicly criticised goalkeeper Filip Jörgensen after a costly error against PSG – a move many view as inconsistent with the culture of a united dressing‑room. Financially, Chelsea has tried to balance ambition with prudence. Fernández’s contract runs until 2032 and is heavily incentive‑based, a strategy designed to keep the wage bill in check. Nonetheless, the club posted a **pre‑tax loss of £262.4 million** for the 2024‑25 season, the largest in English football history, raising questions about the sustainability of its recruitment model. There have been moments of optimism. Chelsea lifted the Club World Cup after beating PSG last summer, but the departure of former coach Enzo Maresca in early January – allegedly after talks with Manchester City figures – destabilised the squad. Players like Fernández and Cucurella recall the impact of that exit on team morale. Despite recent setbacks, the club remains confident in Rosenior’s vision, extending Cucurella’s deal last summer and securing long‑term contracts for key figures such as Reece James, Cole Palmer, and Moisés Caicedo. The Blues still have a realistic chance of qualifying for next season’s Champions League and host Port Vale in the FA Cup quarter‑finals. Looking ahead, sources suggest a possible shift in recruitment strategy, moving away from an exclusive focus on raw talent toward a blend of proven Premier League players and selective signings. While Fernández’s desire for a better contract could spark a transfer saga – with Madrid reportedly unwilling to meet a £100 million fee – the club must decide whether retaining a player whose ambitions no longer align with its project is worth the risk. In sum, Chelsea faces a pivotal moment: restore on‑field performance, manage a record financial loss, and convince both fans and players that the youth‑centred blueprint can deliver the trophies promised under the “trust the process” mantra.

Several readers of The Guardian have voiced strong opinions that the classic British pub ought to be treated as an adult‑only environment. They contend that the interior of a pub, where alcohol is served in large quantities, is fundamentally a space for grown‑ups to relax, converse, and enjoy a drink without the added responsibility of supervising children. Diane Silva of Bournemouth, Dorset emphasizes that while a beer garden might accommodate a family‑friendly dining area during daylight hours, the indoor setting should remain reserved for adults. She likens the situation to adults avoiding children’s play areas such as McDonald’s ball pits or playground swings, noting that “it’s not our space.” Other contributors echo this sentiment. Penny McPhillips from Garstang, Lancashire recalls a past legal claim involving a theatre patron who slipped on ice, suggesting that entitlement among customers can lead to a broader abdication of responsibility, especially when tickets, drinks, or even school uniforms have been purchased. Nigel Linford of Eastbourne, East Sussex adds a cultural reference, quoting WC Fields: “Any man who hates dogs and children can’t be all bad,” to underline the notion that discomfort with children in certain public venues does not make one wholly unreasonable. The letters also mention pub landlord Egil Johansen, who, according to the writers, is not alone in feeling pressured by customer expectations that blur the line between family hospitality and adult leisure. Overall, the correspondence calls for a clearer distinction between indoor pub spaces—reserved for adult patrons—and outdoor areas that could safely host families, thereby preserving the traditional role of the pub as a “wind‑down” spot for adults.

Donald Trump's self-congratulatory speech on Iran has been widely criticized for being puzzling and divorced from reality. The speech, which was intended to update the nation on the progress of the war in Iran, instead left many wondering about the ultimate goals of the conflict.The speech was seen as a disappointing address by many, as it failed to provide a clear explanation of what the US hopes to achieve in Iran. Trump harped on the goal of preventing Iran from developing a nuclear weapon, but failed to mention that Iran has long agreed to eschew a nuclear weapon as part of a deal brokered by the Obama administration.The article argues that if the goal of the war was to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon, then the war has been pointless. Trump's speech was also criticized for disparaging the deal made by the Obama administration, which was designed to prevent Iran from securing a nuclear weapon by imposing strict limits on the enrichment of uranium and requiring intrusive international inspections.The article concludes that Trump's speech was a shameful moment for America, as it was led by a president who seems to be infatuated by military power but befuddled when it comes to explaining why he is using it.

Israel has recently enacted a law that institutionalizes the execution of Palestinians convicted of fatal attacks. This move is seen as a new phase in Israel's dehumanization of Palestinians, expanding a legal system designed to target and oppress them.The law does not create a new reality but rather enshrines a longstanding policy of using lethal force against Palestinians into law. This reality is already normalized in Israel, where Palestinians have been systematically killed in Gaza and the West Bank, often with near-total impunity.In the months since October 2023, Israel has increased the number of Palestinians in detention to over 10,000, many without trial, and subjected them to conditions that amount to torture. More than 80 Palestinians have died in Israeli custody amid documented abuse and inhumane conditions.This law emerges under a political leadership that openly embraces violence and dehumanization, led by senior government ministers who have built their power on incitement and the normalization of harm against Palestinians. The legislation faces virtually no political opposition and hardly provokes public debate in Israel.Globally, democratic states have been moving away from the death penalty, recognizing it as a violation of fundamental human rights. However, Israel is not an exception but a central driver of the erosion of international law, maintaining systems of lethal violence and oppression against Palestinians.A state that institutionalizes the execution of one population under its control while subjecting them to systemic violence and discrimination is not democratic; it is a system of lethal control. What is happening to Palestinians is already reshaping political and moral boundaries beyond Palestine, including in the US.

The usual visual language of hospital dramas relies on sterile whites and bright fluorescents. ‘What I’m Here For’ discards that palette entirely, immersing the audience in a world of black costumes and shadow‑filled set pieces.This daring aesthetic is the result of a collaboration between Vanishing Point of Glasgow and Teater Katapult from Aarhus, Denmark. Designer Mai Katsume outfits nurses, doctors and patients in deep black, arranging them in stark rows that dominate an ominously dark stage.At the centre stands Lærke Schjærff Engelbrecht as Flora, a nurse forced onto an extra weekend shift because of chronic short‑staffing. Even the flickering strip lights beneath her feet are cloaked in darkness, a visual choice amplified by Simon Wilkinson’s austere lighting design that drains the scene of any residual warmth, turning a hectic night ward into a gothic horror tableau.Written by Josephine Eusebius and performed in a blend of Danish and English, the script follows a familiar premise—too many patients, too few staff—but pushes it to a psychological extreme. Flora cheerfully repeats the hospital‑as‑hotel mantra while confronting impossible choices, such as whether to prioritize a pleasant woman with a brain tumour in room 22 or a demanding lady with a heart condition in room 33.The tension is heightened by Mark Melville’s pulse‑driven soundtrack, a low‑frequency thrum that underscores Flora’s isolation. As in many of director Matthew Lenton’s productions, the protagonist is both integral to and alienated from the medical team, a duality made palpable by her physical separation from the other actors and their disembodied commentary.Throughout the performance, Flora remains downstage, engaging in dream‑like exchanges with colleagues whose looming presence becomes as oppressive as the life‑and‑death decisions she must make. The staging forces the audience to feel the weight of each moral dilemma, turning routine triage into an almost tactile nightmare.‘What I’m Here For’ runs at the Tron in Glasgow until 4 April and will tour to other venues until 18 April.

Blanche McIntyre reimagines Noël Coward’s classic Private Lives at Manchester’s Royal Exchange Theatre with a daring in‑the‑round set that spins the audience into the couple’s turbulent romance.The production opens in a sleek, monochrome French resort designed by Dick Bird. As ex‑spouses Amanda (played with acid poise by Jill Halfpenny) and Elyot (delivered with dry detachment by Steve John Shepherd) collide on their respective honeymoons, the stage begins to rotate, creating a queasy, carnival‑like atmosphere that mirrors their escalating desire and spite.Both characters quickly abandon their new partners—Victor, a self‑satisfied ordinary portrayed by Daniel Millar, and the hysterically grating Sibyl, embodied by Shazia Nicholls—and flee to Paris. In Amanda’s cluttered flat, surrounded by half‑eaten meals and booze, the rekindled romance begins to sour, exposing the uglier layers of their destructive bond.The chemistry between Halfpenny and Shepherd shines as they deliver Coward’s razor‑sharp bon mots with effortless flair. Yet, in the second act, the performance feels slightly restrained; moments of lust and violence are hinted at rather than fully unleashed, leaving the climactic confrontation somewhat blunted despite the frantic spinning set.Supporting roles add texture: Millar’s Victor exudes contented self‑importance, while Nicholls hints at a hidden cunning beneath Sibyl’s hysterics. Sara Lessore’s turn as the Parisian maid Louise underscores the privileged caprices of the main characters.Overall, the production presents Amanda and Elyot’s relationship as a capricious game between sophisticated players rather than a dangerously irresistible passion, a nuance amplified by the theatrical whirl that never quite loses control.The show runs at the Royal Exchange until 2 May, offering theatre‑goers a uniquely dizzy experience of Coward’s wit and venom.

The United States is expanding its military footprint in the Gulf as the US‑Israel war with Iran enters its second month. Since the Feb. 28 launch of Operation Epic Fury, a joint air campaign targeting Iranian military and nuclear sites, more than four weeks of strikes have resulted in thousands of casualties.Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced the deployment of a third aircraft carrier, the USS George HW Bush, joining the USS Abraham Lincoln, which is currently conducting daily combat sorties from the Arabian Sea, and the USS Gerald Ford, now under maintenance in Croatia.These carrier groups carry thousands of sailors, Marines and specialised support personnel, forming the core of the US’s power projection in the region.Carrier Strike Group (CSG) refers to an aircraft carrier plus its escort ships and support units that together function as a floating base. A typical CSG includes:An aircraft carrier60‑75 fighter jets and helicopters2‑4 Arleigh Burke‑class destroyersA guided‑missile cruiserA submarine for underwater protectionSupply shipsAs of April 1, the USS Abraham Lincoln remains the only carrier launching daily combat missions against Iranian targets, while the USS George HW Bush is en route and expected to eventually replace the Gerald Ford in the Mediterranean.Amphibious Ready Group (ARG) operates as a mini‑carrier, carrying US Marines and equipment for sea‑to‑land invasions. The USS Tripoli ARG arrived in the Middle East on March 27, and the USS Boxer ARG is expected to join the theater by mid‑April. An ARG typically comprises:Three specialised ships~2,200 Marines (a Marine Expeditionary Unit)Short‑takeoff aircraftLanding craft for beach assaultsThe key distinction: ARGs are built to land troops on shore, whereas CSGs are designed to project air power and conduct major naval warfare.A Marine Expeditionary Unit (MEU) is a rapid‑response, self‑contained force of 2,200‑2,500 Marine Corps personnel capable of combat and humanitarian missions. On Friday, US Central Command confirmed that 2,200 Marines from the 31st MEU arrived in Middle Eastern waters after departing Sasebo, Japan, on March 13. A second unit, the 11th MEU with roughly 2,500 Marines, is inbound after leaving San Diego on March 18.The Pentagon has also ordered about 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division to move to the region, adding to the approximately 50,000 US troops already stationed in the Middle East.An MEU is organized into four elements:Command Element – ~200 personnel for planning and command‑and‑control.Ground Combat Element – ~1,200 troops centered on an infantry battalion with artillery and armoured vehicles.Aviation Combat Element – ~500 personnel operating transport helicopters, attack aircraft and Osprey tilt‑rotors.Logistics Combat Element – ~300 personnel providing up to 15 days of self‑sustainment, including medical, engineering and maintenance support.MEUs are typically deployed aboard a three‑ship ARG, which serves as a floating base. The ships include:Landing Helicopter Assault/Dock – a small carrier carrying short‑takeoff aircraft such as F‑35Bs and attack helicopters.Amphibious Transport Dock – a mid‑size vessel transporting troops and heavy vehicles.Dock Landing Ship – primarily for cargo and heavy equipment.MEUs can execute sea‑to‑land assaults, raids, evacuations, humanitarian aid and disaster‑relief operations, and they are often the first forces on the ground in emerging conflicts.The US Marine Corps maintains seven active MEUs; the 31st (Asia‑Pacific) and 11th (West Coast) are currently assigned to the Iran war. The other units are distributed as follows:East Coast: 22nd, 24th, 26th MEUWest Coast: 11th, 13th, 15th MEUAsia‑Pacific: 31st MEUTypically, three MEUs are forward‑positioned at any time, rotating through deployments in the Mediterranean, Gulf and Asia‑Pacific regions.Historically, MEUs have played pivotal roles in US operations: during the 2001 Afghanistan invasion, the 15th and 26th MEUs conducted one of the longest amphibious vertical insertions; in 2003‑2004 they helped secure Iraqi ports and fought in Fallujah; and in 2024 they provided sea‑based support for the attempted abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.