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Japan's economic strategy has inadvertently created a Japanese century in global finance, driven by the yen's role as a cheap and reliable funding currency. The Bank of Japan's loose monetary policy has suppressed yields on public debt, effectively creating a publicly subsidized funding pipeline for bankers.By borrowing cheaply in yen and investing in higher-return assets, such as US equities, global investors have profited tens of billions of dollars from the 'yen carry trade'. This trade surged after the pandemic, with speculators betting $435bn in the two years to 2024 out of the estimated $1.7tn worth of yen supplied.Despite Japan's first rate hike since 2007 in March 2024, the carry trade remains popular. However, a persistent fear exists that the BoJ may aggressively raise rates, risking a global financial shock. A stronger yen would increase the cost of repaying yen-denominated debts, and heavily leveraged hedge funds could face significant losses.Japan's economic success has created an external dependency on the carry trade to manage internal crises. The country's reflationist prime minister, Sanae Takaichi, is committed to fiscal expansion, which may continue to stabilize the private sector but not necessarily drive growth.Economic analysis suggests that Japan's growth constraints are rooted in its macroeconomic prices, including profit, exchange rate, interest, wages, and inflation. While Japan has seen recent real wage growth, wages have historically been flat or falling, and the country's firms lack a reliably competitive exchange rate and viable profit rate to drive demand and reform.

Donald Trump’s demand that Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz has an immediate impact on U.S. gasoline prices, but analysts warn that a prolonged conflict will push energy costs higher across the globe, far beyond the fuel pump. Systemic increases in power prices and disrupted supply chains are set to compress margins for industries worldwide; in the United States, the effect could be especially damaging to the fragile economics of the AI boom. Oil‑importing nations in the Global South are already feeling the strain: Egypt has imposed curfews, Indonesia is trialling work‑from‑home Fridays, and the Philippines has declared a national energy emergency. While the United States, as a major oil exporter, can partially insulate itself, the country cannot escape the global rise in energy costs. Experts predict that price pressure will linger for months even if the strait reopens within days. Companies are revisiting cash‑flow forecasts, and the AI sector—characterised by energy‑intensive model training and debt‑laden expansion—faces a particularly acute risk. OpenAI chief Sam Altman attempted to downplay environmental concerns, likening the energy required to train an AI model to the cumulative food intake over a human’s 20‑year development. The Bank of England’s Financial Policy Committee warned that rising energy costs could depress AI share prices, noting that investors were already uneasy about the sector’s heavy reliance on debt financing and uncertain return prospects before the war began. "The conflict could increase these concerns, particularly given the energy‑intensive nature of the supply chain for key components and the operation of datacentres," the committee said. World Trade Organization chief economist Robert Staiger echoed this view, cautioning that a prolonged period of high energy prices could "crimp" AI investment. He highlighted that AI‑related goods accounted for 70% of U.S. investment growth in the first three‑quarters of last year. A forensic note from US law firm Quinn Emanuel revealed that the AI sector generated roughly $60 billion in revenue last year while committing $400 billion to capital expenditure. The financing structure mirrors the 2008 crisis, with off‑balance‑sheet special purpose vehicles and asset‑backed securities playing a central role. Leading "hyperscalers" and infrastructure providers such as CoreWeave are borrowing enormous sums to build out datacentres, although some analysts argue that many projects lag behind their lofty promises. Much of this borrowing comes from private‑credit lenders, making total liabilities opaque and challenging for regulators—an issue the Bank of England has repeatedly flagged. Complex financing arrangements see datacentres owned by special purpose vehicles, debt pooled and sold to pension funds, and other layered structures that obscure true exposure. Quinn Emanuel estimates that $120 billion of datacentre debt has been moved off‑balance sheets in the past two years. The firm warns that distress at any single node could cascade through the tightly interconnected AI ecosystem. Extended higher energy costs, combined with volatile interest rates and weaker consumer demand—both likely fallout from the Middle East war—could trigger that distress. The fundamental question remains: can the AI sector generate sufficient revenue to justify its sky‑high valuations? Even modest energy price hikes may force a market rethink, with potential spill‑over effects across U.S. markets and beyond. As the article concludes, the economic fallout may be yet another unintended consequence of Trump’s aggressive stance on Iran, unleashing forces beyond his control.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.

Global markets were jolted on Thursday as oil prices skyrocketed and stocks sank following a televised address by Donald Trump, in which he vowed to take 'extremely hard' action against Iran in the coming weeks. This development has dashed investor hopes of a swift resolution to the conflict in the Middle East.Brent crude prices jumped by 8% to surpass $109 a barrel, reversing the previous day's decline when hopes of de-escalation had briefly pushed the international benchmark below $100 a barrel.Asian markets were particularly hard hit, with Japan's Nikkei index falling 2.4%, China's CSI 300 index dropping 1.36%, and South Korea's Kospi tumbling 4.8%. In Europe, Germany's Dax fell 2%, France's Cac 40 dropped 1.15%, and Italy's FTSE Mib was down 1.45%. The FTSE 100 in London initially opened 0.7% lower but later stabilized, buoyed by gains in fossil fuel companies BP and Shell, which rose 4.5% and 3.1% respectively.Government borrowing costs also increased, with the yield on 10-year UK gilts rising four basis points to 4.886% and the two-year UK bond yield rising six basis points to 4.36%, reflecting growing fears of inflation due to higher energy costs.Chris Beauchamp, chief market analyst at IG, noted that investors are betting on the impact of delayed oil supply deliveries from the Gulf, given Trump's failure to provide guidance on a potential end to the US-Israeli conflict with Iran. 'Instead of 'no more war', we got 'no, more war!', Beauchamp said, highlighting the market's concerns about hundreds of millions of barrels of oil that may not be delivered soon.The US dollar gained 0.6% against a basket of major currencies as investors sought safe-haven assets, pushing the pound down by almost a cent to $1.321. The market turmoil is already affecting consumers, with the Bank of England warning that 1.3 million more homeowners may see their mortgage payments rise due to financial shocks from the Iran conflict.Additionally, data from the RAC showed that petrol and diesel prices jumped by a record amount in March, with the average price of a litre of unleaded petrol rising by 20p to 152.83p by the end of the month, surpassing the previous monthly record.

The ongoing conflict in the Middle East, specifically the US-Israel war on Iran, has sent shockwaves through the global economy, with the Bank of England predicting that over 1.3 million more UK households could face increased mortgage payments. Financial markets have reacted swiftly, with banks pulling around 1,500 mortgage products and raising interest rates on their remaining 7,000 home loan products in recent weeks, according to the Bank's financial policy committee (FPC). The FPC warns that approximately 5.2 million borrowers, or roughly 58% of borrowers across the country, could face higher mortgage payments by the end of 2028, up from 3.9 million before the conflict began. The data provider Moneyfacts reported that the average two-year fixed residential mortgage rate has risen to 5.84%, up from 4.83% at the start of March. Caitlyn Eastell, a personal finance analyst at Moneyfacts, noted that the impact on borrowers has been almost immediate, with borrowing costs sharply rising. The FPC emphasized that a prolonged war increases the possibility of large, frequent and possibly overlapping shocks that could put global financial stability at risk. The UK's economic outlook has deteriorated, increasing pressure on households and businesses, with the FPC adding that a prolonged conflict could amplify risks that were already present before the conflict began. The Bank of England governor, Andrew Bailey, cautioned that markets may be getting ahead of themselves by pricing in interest rate hikes in response to the Iran war, stating that the Bank's remit is to cause the least damage to the economy and jobs.

Energy crises do more than lift household bills; they can reshape an entire economy. In the 1970s the United Kingdom responded to oil shortages by expanding North Sea extraction and becoming a net energy exporter. Today, with a 10 million‑barrel‑per‑day supply deficit and a fifth of global LNG trade under strain, that strategy no longer offers security.The UK is now acutely vulnerable to volatile gas prices. Inflation expectations are rising, markets anticipate higher interest rates, and borrowing costs have surged to levels not seen since the 2008 financial crisis. The ripple effect is already evident in food markets, where inflation hit 3.3 % in February and could climb sharply within three months.New data reveal that the hundreds of North Sea licences granted since 2010 have added merely 36 days of extra gas production. Major oil majors such as BP are re‑emphasising oil and gas to reassure investors, while Shell continues aggressive share‑buy‑backs. The reality is clear: fossil‑fuel giants cannot be the rescue plan.Gas should no longer set the price floor for electricity. As the grid leans more on wind and solar, gas must be treated as a backup resource, compensated with a fixed or regulated price rather than wholesale market volatility. Research from University College London and Common Wealth outlines a practical model for this approach.Beyond market reforms, households need a safety net. An essential energy guarantee—a capped, affordable band of consumption for every home—mirrors schemes adopted in Austria, the Netherlands and Poland after the 2022 crisis and would be more targeted than the current blanket price‑support guarantee.Similarly, a protected basket of staple foods, backed by long‑term procurement and direct support for domestic producers, could stabilise prices. France’s 2023 anti‑inflation shopping‑basket experiment offers a template, and the UK already supplies over 60 % of its own food, though it remains dependent on imports for fruits, vegetables, rice and fertilisers.The long‑term solution lies in renewable power. Record wind generation this year has already reduced gas‑fired output, while consumer interest in solar panels, batteries and heat pumps is soaring. A typical solar‑plus‑battery system can slash a household’s electricity bill to under £2 per month, and electric‑vehicle owners can save more than £1,000 annually on fuel costs.To unlock these savings, the government must back financing mechanisms such as zero‑interest loans, subscription‑style purchases for solar and heat‑pump kits, and leasing schemes for electric vehicles. On a larger scale, a dual‑interest‑rate policy—standard rates for the broader economy and preferential, low‑cost funding for clean‑energy projects—could mirror the green‑lending models already used by China’s central bank and the Bank of Japan.In short, the United Kingdom faces a decisive moment. The 1970s taught that energy shocks can remake a nation; the question now is whether the UK will seize this crisis to protect living standards and build a resilient, low‑carbon energy system for the decades ahead.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has issued a stark warning that the ongoing conflict in the Middle East will lead to higher prices and slower global growth, affecting countries worldwide. The Washington-based organisation emphasised that a rise in energy and food costs will harm economic growth this year and could leave lasting scars on the global economy.The IMF's analysis, published in a blogpost by its main department heads, including chief economist Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, noted that governments with high levels of borrowing will have limited access to funds to cushion the worst effects of the crisis. The organisation warned that all roads lead to higher prices and slower growth should the conflict continue to disrupt the supply of oil, gas, and fertiliser from the Gulf.While some countries, such as the US, may gain from higher fossil fuel prices as net exporters of oil and gas, the rise in bills for petrol, diesel, and food will harm living standards. Businesses are also forecast to come under pressure to raise prices, possibly forcing central banks to raise interest rates to combat inflation.The IMF highlighted that about a third of fertiliser production travels through the strait of Hormuz, which could push up prices. The UN Food and Agriculture Organisation projects that global prices could average 15% to 20% higher in the first half of 2026 if the crisis persists. Natural gas prices have more than doubled in the UK since last December to about £140 a therm, while a barrel of Brent crude that cost about $60 before the conflict hit more than $116 on Monday before falling back to $112.The IMF added that forecasts for sharp rises in the cost of gas and electricity in Europe next winter are forcing governments to consider higher subsidies and welfare payments to the worst-affected households. The organisation noted that countries such as Italy and the UK are especially exposed by their reliance on gas-fired power, while France and Spain are relatively protected by their greater nuclear and renewables capacity.

The UK government is considering plans to provide financial support to households hardest hit by the looming energy crisis, with a focus on targeting those who need it most. Energy bills are forecast to hit nearly £2,000 a year from July, prompting concerns about the impact on low-income households.Under one plan, extra cash could be injected into the crisis and resilience fund (CRF), a £1bn a year council-run scheme in England that provides preventative support to communities and assists people facing financial crises. The fund could be topped up to help cushion households identified by councils as facing particular hardship from higher energy bills.Chancellor Rachel Reeves has ruled out universal support and is under pressure from financial markets to limit the extent of the support to keep within budget spending limits. However, she has emphasized the need for targeted support, saying: "The progressive, universal approach that we are taking is the right one … £150 off everyone’s energy bills, but then targeted support for those who need it most."The government is also exploring other options, including expanding support to households that have high bills but do not currently qualify for benefits. This could involve allowing councils to dispense funds to households in need.Rising energy costs have been driven by the conflict in the Middle East, with Brent crude oil prices surging to over $116 a barrel. The global oil benchmark is on course for a record monthly rise of nearly 60%, exceeding gains made during the 1990 Gulf war.The UK's interest rate on 10-year debt has also hit its highest level since the 2008 financial crisis, just over 5%, although rates eased to 4.95% by Monday. Government borrowing costs around the world have climbed since the US and Israel attacked Iran, as financial markets calculate that governments will be urged to borrow more heavily to cope with the war's aftershocks.