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The LeadA supernatural play based on the Iranian horror movie 'Under the Shadow' explores the terror of life in Iran during the 1979 revolution and the Iran-Iraq war. The Event DetailsThe play, adapted by Carmen Nasr from Babak Anvari's 2016 film, is set in Tehran in 1988. It tells the story of Shideh, a woman who hides in her apartment with her terrified daughter as the Iraq-Iran war rages on. The play explores themes of fear, survival, and the supernatural. The Data AnalysisThe play's creative team, including director Nadia Latif and actress Leila Farzad, bring their own experiences of war and displacement to the production. Latif's family has experience in Sudan, while Farzad's family is from Iran. The play's themes of hope and survival are universal, resonating with audiences from different backgrounds. The Impact AnalysisThe play's use of horror as a genre allows it to tackle complex themes like politics and collective suffering. By making the horrors of war personal, the play aims to bring the audience closer to the experiences of those living through conflict. The PredictionThe play is expected to be a powerful and thought-provoking production, exploring the complexities of life in Iran during a time of war and revolution. With its talented creative team and timely themes, it is likely to resonate with audiences and leave a lasting impact.

Blunkett reflects on Blair’s controversial essay and Today programme appearanceDavid Blunkett recalled a recent conversation with his former prime minister, noting that while they can argue constructively, Blair’s new 5,700‑word essay and prime‑time interview seem rooted in a bygone era. The essay urges Labour to seize AI opportunities, streamline regulation, and strengthen ties with the White House, while dismissing concerns about human‑rights implications in China and the Middle East.Polling shows limited public appetite for Blair’s counselResearch agency More in Common reports that only 34% of respondents think the government should listen to Blair, with 52% saying it is probably or definitely not worth it. Blair ranks lowest on “worth listening to” among recent prime ministers, trailing only Liz Truss. Focus‑group feedback cites the Iraq war and post‑politics financial activities as key credibility issues.Potential rifts within Labour and challenges to policy directionSenior figures such as Keir Starmer, Andy Burnham and Wes Streeting were directly criticised in the essay.Labour peers, including former welfare secretary John Hutton, defend Blair’s intervention as timely, while younger MPs show limited enthusiasm.Blunkett warns that Labour’s “soft‑left comfort zone” and recent policies—higher national insurance for businesses and a rise in the national minimum wage—may alienate voters.What Blair’s intervention could mean for Labour’s upcoming electionsBlunkett suggests Blair’s essay may provoke a counter‑argument within the party, potentially shaping campaign narratives for the forthcoming Makerfield by‑election and the next general election. If Labour fails to reconcile the technological optimism championed by Blair with the concerns of its grassroots, it risks further fragmentation and a weakened electoral outlook.

The Rise of Andy Burnham in UK PoliticsWith UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer under pressure from within his own party to announce his resignation, Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham has announced an ambitious plan of his own – to win a parliamentary seat in the northern English town Ashton-in-Makerfield. According to his supporters, he is the best candidate to replace Starmer by the time of the Labour Party's next annual conference in September.Many in the party are hungry for a change following a series of missteps, culminating in a disastrous showing in local elections in early May. Despite winning an overwhelming majority in the 2024 general election, Labour languishes in the polls, often coming second to the right-wing Reform party. According to Ipsos, Starmer is the most unpopular prime minister since polling began in the late 1970s.Burnham's Political Journey: From Insider to OutsiderAnalysts say Burnham has appeal because of his apparent distance from the "Westminster bubble." That perception was consolidated in February when, in a move seen by many as protecting a vulnerable Starmer, Labour's ruling National Executive Committee (NEC) prevented Burnham from standing in the Manchester Gorton and Denton by-election, which was eventually won by the Green Party.Burnham, whose speech is peppered with northern colloquialisms, leans into his outsider status. But he has also served as a prominent member of Labour's front bench, both in power and opposition. Before winning the Manchester mayoralty in 2017, he served as Chief Secretary to the Treasury and later Secretary of State for Health under Gordon Brown, giving him a front-line role in managing the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and NHS reform debates during a period of tightening public spending.He also twice challenged for the party's leadership. Firstly, in 2010, after Gordon Brown resigned following Labour's general election defeat, he entered the contest only to finish fourth behind winner Ed Miliband. In 2015, after Ed Miliband stepped down, he was a distant second to Jeremy Corbyn.The "King of the North" and His Political ImpactHis disillusionment with mainstream politics began in 2009, when he was culture secretary. At an event marking the anniversary of the Hillsborough Disaster, in which 97 Liverpool fans were crushed to death 20 years earlier, he was heckled, prompting a campaign for an inquiry."I realised was that the entire British state had been ignoring an English city crying out for justice for 20 years. It wasn't just by accident. It was deliberate," he said in January. "I was thrown into crisis by that invitation because I was in a government that hadn't done anything for the Liverpool supporters and the city of Liverpool."From his victory in 2017 to his re-elections in 2021 and 2024, Burnham has focused on expanding devolved powers for the city region, including greater control over transport, housing and skills funding. His tenure has also been marked by the introduction of bus franchising reforms, the so-called Bee Network, designed to bring services back under public control, alongside initiatives addressing homelessness and rough sleeping.His high-profile clashes with Westminster during the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly over funding for local restrictions in Greater Manchester, led sections of the press to dub him the "King of the North," a moniker that first emerged humorously in 2020 but has come to be viewed more seriously as his national profile has grown.Burnham's Stances on Key Global IssuesBurnham's conflicts with Labour are not confined to national issues. In late October 2023, while much of the Labour Party was offering Israel support, Burnham joined with London Mayor Sadiq Khan and Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar in calling for a ceasefire in Gaza.Burnham has criticised Israel's illegal settlements and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. He visited the occupied West Bank with Labour Friends of Palestine in 2012 and told the Palestine Solidarity campaign in July that year that statehood was "not a gift to be given but a right to be recognised".However, he also supports Israel. A member of Labour Friends of Israel since 2015, Burnham said during his leadership campaign then that if successful, his first state visit would be to Israel. He also dismissed the campaign to boycott Israel "spiteful".While a strident critic of the so-called War on Terror, he nevertheless voted in favour of the Iraq war, and twice against an inquiry. In 2023, he conceded that while there was a case for removing Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein, "I can't justify the rage, the rhetoric, the haste with which it was done, nor the lack of a plan for the aftermath."Burnham also backs the UK's traditional network of alliances. He has criticised the UK's exit from the bloc, using an appearance at last year's conference to lambast his own party for its failure to "call out" the economic damage Brexit had done. He told a fringe event that he hoped in his lifetime to see the UK rejoin the EU. He has shown firm support to Nato, threatening to quit Jeremy Corbyn's cabinet if it decided to leave the alliance if elected.The Path to Downing Street: Challenges and OpportunitiesStanding between Burnham and 10 Downing Street is an as yet unscheduled by election and the insurgent right wing Reform Party. Leader Nigel Farage has told reporters the party will "throw absolutely everything" at the Ashton in Makerfield by-election.So, while Burnham may enjoy the title of King of the North. His coronation remains uncertain. The coming months will be critical as Burnham seeks to establish his credentials as a potential national leader while navigating the complex landscape of UK politics, both within his own party and in the wider political arena.

The Growing Question of Christian Zionism’s LongevityRecent forecasts from left‑leaning outlets and fresh polling indicate a possible decline in the evangelical movement that has long underpinned unwavering US support for Israel. Yet the movement’s deep‑pocketed organisations and entrenched lobbying networks continue to shape policy debates.Historical Milestones and Recent Forecasts1992 – Christianity Today warned of a decline in Christian Zionist support.2025 – Jacobin declared the “end‑times for Christian Zionism” after the Gaza war.2026 – Al Jazeera reports that despite waning public sentiment, the movement still commands tens of millions of followers, primarily in the Bible Belt.Financial Muscle and Polling NumbersCUFI spent over $670,000 on Washington lobbying to tighten sanctions on Iran.Combined revenue of 36 identified Christian Zionist organisations: $2.8 bn annually.2021 survey of evangelicals under 30: only 33.6% support Israel; premillennial belief fell from 65% (2011) to 21%.Pew Research shows a sharp drop in favorable views of Israel among young conservatives and Christians.Political Influence in a Shifting LandscapeThe movement helped elect George W. Bush, backed the Iraq war, and continues to funnel billions in aid to Israel. However, younger voters are questioning the theological justification for unconditional support, and recent Israeli PR campaigns targeting evangelical churches signal anxiety about a waning base.Future Trajectory and Election ImplicationsExperts agree that while short‑term power remains intact, long‑term trends could fragment the evangelical coalition, especially as theological debates erode premillennialism. The 2026 midterms may be the last election cycle where Christian Zionist mobilisation guarantees a decisive Republican advantage, after which the movement may need to reinvent its narrative or risk marginalisation.

The Stark Divide in War Cost EstimatesUnited States Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has clashed with American lawmakers over the cost of war on Iran in his first appearance on Capitol Hill since the conflict – now into its third month – broke out. The Pentagon told a hearing of the House Armed Services Committee that the US had spent $25bn on its war on Iran, largely on munitions and equipment maintenance. But Democratic leaders and several economists believe that number to be a significant underestimate, with actual costs potentially reaching between $630bn and $1 trillion.The Pentagon's Limited Financial DisclosureThe Pentagon's acting comptroller, Jay Hurst, who testified alongside Hegseth and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Dan Caine, presented the estimated figure of $25bn to the committee. "We will formulate a supplemental [on additional funding], through the White House, that will come to Congress once we have a full assessment of the cost of the conflict," Hurst said, promising to provide a cost breakdown later.The estimated figure only reflects "the costs of the war," Hurst explained, factoring in "munitions expended in that total and other operational costs." This figure is significantly smaller than the $200bn initially requested by the Trump administration for the war and the $11.3bn reported for just the first six days of fighting in March.The Economic Ripple Effects Beyond Direct Military SpendingAs the US continues with its blockade of Iranian ports and Tehran controls the Strait of Hormuz, gas prices in the US have hit a new high at $4.23 a gallon – the highest since 2022, when Russia invaded Ukraine. The Brent crude benchmark has been trading above $120, leading to a 40 percent rise in gas prices compared to pre-war levels.Representative Ro Khanna claimed the war would cost about $631bn – or some $5,000 per household – to the US economy due to increased gas and food prices. "Your $25bn number is totally off," Khanna told Hegseth, highlighting the administration's failure to account for broader economic impacts.The rising cost of living has also affected Trump's approval rating, hitting a record low in his second term with only 22 percent of Americans approving of his handling of cost of living, according to a Reuters/Ipsos poll.Hidden Costs of War: Infrastructure and Long-term ImplicationsThe US claimed earlier that it struck more than 13,000 targets over the first 39 days of fighting with Iran. For context, the US fired more Patriot missiles in the first four days of the Iran war than it supplied to Ukraine over the past four years, with each missile costing $4m.However, the economics and impact of the war extend far beyond the worth of bombs and missiles. One major expense is reconstructing and repairing damaged assets. After the US-Israeli strikes assassinated former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, Iranian strikes caused damage to US military camps in Kuwait, alongside other military bases in the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Bahrain.Earlier this month, NBC News quoted six US officials noting that Iran damaged US military bases and equipment in the Middle East far worse than publicly acknowledged. The damages alone could lead to billions of dollars in repairs, with one report estimating that repairs to the US Navy Fifth Fleet headquarters in Bahrain could cost $200m alone.Historical Precedents and Future ProjectionsHarvard economist Linda Bilmes had estimated in February 2006 that the Iraq war would cost the US $3 trillion, when the George Bush administration was telling the public that fighting would cost $50bn. Twenty years later, Bilmes ended up with among the most accurate predictions, as the Iraq war's total cost is now estimated at $2 trillion."Wars always cost more than expected. Throughout history, those who get into wars tend to be optimistic about the cost and about the length of time it will take," Bilmes noted. "It is hard to measure the exact cost. But based on what we know now, it [the current Iran war] is costing about $2bn a day in short-term, upfront costs, which is the tip of the iceberg."Beyond immediate expenses, Bilmes highlighted long-term costs including veterans' care and restocking weapons inventory. "I am certain we will reach one trillion dollars for the Iran war," she concluded. Meanwhile, the Trump administration has asked for a $1.5 trillion defense budget for next year – a 42 percent increase, or the largest expansion in military spending since World War II.

The Current Fracture: Diplomatic Tensions Under King CharlesThe United Kingdom’s ambassador to the United States, Christian Turner, has framed King Charles III's recent four-day visit as a critical effort to "renew and revitalise a unique friendship." However, this diplomatic mission arrives at a precarious moment. The relationship is currently under severe strain due to President Donald Trump's public criticism of Prime Minister Keir Starmer. Trump has accused Starmer of failing to assist Washington in the fight against Iran or help reopen the strategic Strait of Hormuz, famously branding him "not Winston Churchill." This tension is compounded by Starmer's initial refusal to allow US forces to utilize UK military bases for strikes, a decision that has tested the limits of the alliance.Historical Context: From WWII Solidarity to Modern FrictionThe current discord is not unprecedented; it is merely the latest chapter in a century of volatile cooperation. The timeline of the "special relationship" reveals a pattern where the US often prioritizes its own strategic interests over its closest ally.1940-1944 (WWII): The alliance was cemented through the "Germany first" strategy and the Lend-Lease Act, where the US provided crucial supplies to the UK before officially entering the war.1956 (Suez Crisis): The relationship was tested when President Eisenhower pressured the UK and France to halt their invasion of Egypt, forcing a humiliating retreat that signaled a shift in US-European power dynamics.1982 (Falklands War): The US initially refused military assistance to the UK during the Argentine invasion, only providing logistical support after Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher refused Reagan's peace proposals.2003 (Iraq War): The alliance reached a peak of coordination with Prime Minister Tony Blair committing tens of thousands of troops to support President George W. Bush, despite massive domestic protests.Strategic Divergence: Military and Political DisagreementsAnalysis of recent conflicts reveals a recurring theme of divergence between London and Washington regarding the scope of military intervention. During the 1998-1999 Kosovo War, Prime Minister Tony Blair was a vocal advocate for deploying ground forces to halt ethnic cleansing, while President Bill Clinton favoured a limited NATO air campaign. Similarly, in the 2011 Libya War, President Barack Obama later accused Prime Minister David Cameron of becoming "distracted" and failing to invest in the post-conflict management, highlighting a gap in strategic vision.The Future Outlook: Can the Alliance Survive?As the US-UK relationship enters a new era under King Charles and a potentially contentious Trump administration, the alliance faces a critical test. The current friction over the Iran conflict suggests that the "special relationship" is increasingly transactional. While historical precedents show that the two nations can weather periods of intense diplomatic strain, the current lack of unified military support for a key strategic objective—blocking the Strait of Hormuz—could signal a long-term erosion of the trust that defined the post-WWII era.

Summit Opens Amid Escalating US‑Israel Military ActionThe NPT review conference began in New York under the shadow of a tentative cease‑fire between United States and Iran. Negotiators are focused on Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile—its size, location, and future disposition—while fresh US‑Israeli strikes have already rattled the diplomatic atmosphere.Key Figures, Historical Context, and Numbers Shaping the DebateBadr Albusaidi, Omani Foreign Minister, announced Iran’s commitment to “zero accumulation” and full IAEA verification on Feb 27.The NPT has 191 member states; five are recognized nuclear‑weapon states: US, Russia, China, UK, France.Iran’s JCPOA limits cut its stockpile by 98% to 300 kg and capped enrichment at 3.67%.By early 2025 Iran was enriching to 60%, the highest level for a non‑nuclear‑weapon state.Israel, the only Middle‑East nuclear power, is not a signatory to the NPT and maintains a policy of deliberate opacity.Why the NPT’s Credibility Is at StakeAnalysts such as Sahar Khan argue the treaty’s “grand bargain” is breaking down because nuclear‑weapon states are modernising arsenals while failing to meet disarmament commitments. Hossein Mousavian highlights inconsistent enforcement and the lack of decisive UN or IAEA responses to attacks on nuclear facilities, fostering a perception of a politicised regime.Historical precedents—like the 2000 review conference before the 2003‑2011 Iraq war—show how major conflicts can erode faith in arms‑control frameworks. The emergence of the 2017 Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons further signals frustration with the NPT’s perceived double standards.Potential Outcomes and Scenarios for the Review ConferenceStalemate: Parties issue vague, non‑binding language, continuing the status‑quo of weak enforcement.Limited Consensus: Agreement on incremental verification steps for Iran’s stockpile without addressing broader disarmament.Breakthrough: Adoption of stronger mechanisms to curb nuclear‑weapon states’ modernization, though this is deemed unlikely by experts like Tariq Rauf.Past conferences (1995, 2000, 2010) have produced agreements that were quickly diluted, suggesting a similar pattern may repeat.Looking Ahead: The Future of Global Non‑ProliferationIf the NPT cannot adapt to the current geopolitical reality—marked by US‑Israel military pressure on Iran and the ongoing Russia‑Ukraine war—its relevance may diminish, prompting more states to seek alternatives such as the nuclear‑prohibition treaty. Conversely, a modest consensus on verification could preserve the treaty’s core framework, buying time for diplomatic breakthroughs.

Europe is undergoing a significant transformation in its relationship with the US, marked by a growing desire for independence and a shift away from Trump's aggressive policies. The recent crisis in the Middle East, where Trump's threat to annihilate Iranian civilisation was temporarily called off, has been a turning point in this journey. Initially, many European leaders had tacitly supported the US and Israeli attack on Iran, driven by a desire for a transatlantic detente and antipathy towards the Iranian regime. However, as the war escalated, Europe's stance began to shift, with countries like Italy, Poland, and France taking steps to distance themselves from Trump's policies. The cooling of European support for the war has taken various forms, including Italy denying US warplanes permission to use an airbase in Sicily, Poland refusing to send Patriot air defence systems to the Middle East, and France rejecting overflight rights and opposing a US-sponsored resolution at the UN security council. This shift in European policy is driven by a number of factors, including the realisation that the war has been a windfall for Russia, through higher oil prices and a depletion of air defence interceptors available to Ukraine. European leaders have also been reminded that the erosion of international law is bad news for the world, Europe included. As Europe finds its footing in distancing itself from Trump, it may also find its voice. Europe's diplomatic role in the Iranian nuclear file in the early 2000s grew out of its opposition to the Iraq war. Today, the same dynamic could unfold, with Europe promoting a permanent end of hostilities and a multilateral initiative in the region. The proposal by a group of European, Gulf, and Asian countries to contribute to ensuring safe passage through the strait of Hormuz was originally aimed at placating Trump. Europeans then backed a UN-led fertiliser corridor to prevent a food crisis in the global south. The UK is also leading a coalition of more than 40 countries seeking to reopen the strait once the US and Israel definitively end their offensive. If a sustainable reopening of Hormuz succeeds, it could eventually extend to a new nuclear agreement, a non-aggression pact between the US and Iran, and a similar one between Israel and Iran – including Lebanon. It could involve the release of Iranian funds frozen abroad to rebuild infrastructure destroyed by US and Israeli attacks, and the selective lifting of EU and US sanctions.

Behrooz Ghamari‑Tabrizi draws parallels between the protracted Iran‑Iraq war (1980‑1988) and the emerging strategic calculus of a potential US‑Israeli confrontation with Tehran. He argues that the historical conflict offers cautionary insights on regional alliances, war economics, and the limits of external intervention. The analysis underscores how prolonged attrition, shifting loyalties, and the impact on civilian populations could shape any future engagement involving the United States and Israel against Iran.