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The Proposal for Devolving Business Rates Ministers are considering handing over billions of pounds raised by business rates to regional mayors as part of one of the biggest shake-ups of the English tax system in recent years. Background and Context Steve Reed, the local government secretary, said the government was working on plans to devolve the tax, which has been the subject of recent protests by pubs and other hospitality businesses. The move is part of a wider plan to shift tax income to local leaders, due to be announced by the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, at this year’s budget. Key Considerations and Challenges Reed told the Guardian: “The chancellor pointed to devolving aspects of income tax, as we discussed, but certainly we look at business rates, too – or elements of business rates.” He added that local areas would not simply be allowed to keep whatever they raised in business rates, given this could exacerbate regional inequality, but that the new tax system would reward those areas that grew their economies more quickly. The Potential Impact on Regional Inequality Experts say the centralisation of tax and power in the Westminster government is one of the reasons the UK has some of the worst regional inequality in the developed world. JP Spencer, director of devolution policy at the thinktank ThinkLabour, said: “Devolving the revenue from income tax or business rates to local areas would be a huge change in how our tax system and country works. “It would give places the longer-term certainty to invest, plan and deliver better services for their residents.” The Future Outlook The proposal is part of a broader push to give mayors more power over areas such as justice, health and education. Reed said: “The sky’s the limit … nothing is off limits.”

The Lead Rachel Reeves, the UK's chancellor, has been quietly working on rebalancing the UK economy, despite being one of the least popular senior politicians. Her efforts focus on boosting jobs and growth, particularly in regions outside of London. Rachel Reeves' Strategic Approach Reeves has been determined to reverse the chronic underinvestment in the UK, changing the fiscal rules to make room for significantly more borrowing. She has brought public investment, political muscle, and a new development corporation for Greater Cambridge to the 'OxCam corridor', a project aimed at enhancing regional growth. The Data Analysis Reeves' approach includes: Changing the fiscal rules to allow for more borrowing Investing in public infrastructure, such as transport and housing Creating a new development corporation for Greater Cambridge Rewriting the Treasury's green book to prioritize regional spending The Impact Analysis Reeves' efforts are likely to have a lasting impact on the UK economy, particularly in regions outside of London. Her focus on devolution and regional growth may be continued by her successors, including potential future chancellor Andy Burnham. The initiative could allow mayoralties to borrow against future income, freeing them to make decisions about new projects. The Prediction As the UK continues to navigate economic challenges, Reeves' strategic approach to rebalancing the economy may prove crucial. Her legacy in this area could endure, even if her tenure as chancellor is short-lived. The success of projects like the 'OxCam corridor' and the Leeds tram may depend on continued government support and investment.

The LeadBritain is experiencing a profound political-economic churn as Andy Burnham's potential rise to power challenges the established economic order. The recent market reaction to Burnham's fiscal rule proposals reveals how deeply entrenched Britain's economic settlement has become and the formidable barriers facing any attempt to transform it.The Political-Economic Churn ExplainedBritain is currently experiencing two simultaneous churns. The first is electoral, evidenced by May's local elections where Labour lost roughly 1,100 councillors, Reform won 1,257 seats and 10 councils, and the Greens won Hackney and Lewisham. This fragmentation of the progressive vote has visibly weakened the container for transformative politics.The second churn is deeper, touching Britain's fundamental political economy. As Burnham noted, Britain has been 'on the wrong course for 40 years' – referring to the financialisation, privatisation, hollowed-out public services and wealth transfer that have characterized the late 1970s to present economic settlement.The Fiscal Rules BattleBurnham's potential project requires a state capable of funding major social-democratic initiatives: council homes, clean energy, public transport, water, skills and resilience. These ambitions collide with Rachel Reeves's fiscal rules – self-imposed borrowing limits that are political choices, not laws of nature.Three weeks ago, Burnham tested these boundaries by proposing a 'defence carve-out' allowing extra borrowing for defense outside fiscal rules, similar to Germany's approach. The subsequent market reaction – pound pressure, rising gilt yields, warnings against public ownership of Thames Water – forced a retreat. Burnham's team subsequently announced he would make no changes to Reeves's fiscal rules if he became prime minister.Market Discipline and PowerThe retreat reveals how power operates in Britain's economic architecture. It's not merely 'the markets' but Treasury rules, Bank of England decisions, pension fund structures and investor expectations that combine to discipline any politics threatening the established settlement.Chancellors have always rewritten fiscal rules when convenient – Gordon Brown had his golden rule, George Osborne his surplus target, Philip Hammond and Rishi Sunak revised frameworks, Jeremy Hunt and Reeves changed them again. The crucial question is who gets to change them and for what purpose.The Three Progressive FightsProgressives now face three critical battles. First, fiscal: democracy must regain power to invest based on national need rather than market nerves. This requires a Bank of England mandate recognizing that inflation stems from both excessive demand and insufficient capacity.Second, ownership: public goods should be built and owned in the public interest. Thames Water entering special administration offers a starting point, with regional public housing corporations potentially building at scale on public land.Third, constitutional: proportional representation for Westminster, an elected second chamber and deeper devolution are not procedural details but essential conditions for progressive power in a fragmented country. PR could allow a broad progressive majority to govern together against established forces.Burnham was right: Britain has been on the wrong course for 40 years. But last week demonstrated the harder truth – the old settlement will not politely bow out. It will price risk, police boundaries and demand reassurance before the argument even begins. The churn is far from over.

Lead: Burnham’s Vision of “Manchesterism” Gains MomentumAndy Burnham used the Great North Investment Summit in Leeds to argue that Britain has been on the wrong path for four decades, urging a return to a more publicly‑controlled, regionally‑balanced economy. His call for “Manchesterism” – a blend of historic free‑trade liberalism and modern public ownership – is resonating within Labour’s left‑wing circles and among northern voters.Burnham’s North‑Focused Narrative at the Great North Investment SummitSpeaking to an audience of devolution advocates, Burnham highlighted the “draining away of economic, social and political power” from the North, blaming deregulation, privatisation and austerity. He cited everyday hardships – “people paying over the odds for energy, housing, water, transport” – as evidence that the current model is unsustainable. The speech also referenced his own political journey, from a 2015 Labour leadership contender to mayor of Greater Manchester in 2017.Economic Indicators Highlighting the North’s DeclinePolls give Burnham only 45% chance of winning a future national election, yet his regional appeal remains strong.Rising costs for basic services are cited as a symptom of “the worst of modern capitalism”.The Bee Network’s uniform £2 fare is presented as a successful public‑ownership model that could be scaled nationally.Potential Shift in Labour Strategy and Regional Power DynamicsBurnham’s ideas are prompting a re‑evaluation within Labour. Rachel Reeves has announced a “summer of cost‑of‑living activism”, while Wes Streeting is now open to a wealth tax – both moves echoing Burnham’s critique of austerity‑driven policies. If Labour adopts a “Manchester‑centric” platform, it could reshape the party’s relationship with northern constituencies and challenge Keir Starmer’s current direction.Outlook: Can Manchesterism Shape a New National Agenda?The next test will be whether Burnham’s blueprint can move beyond regional rhetoric to a viable national policy package. Critics point to the potential cost of public‑ownership schemes, but supporters argue that a “productive state” – directly owning essential capital – could restore economic balance. If Labour integrates these ideas, Britain may see a renewed focus on northern investment, public control of utilities, and a political narrative that positions the North as the engine of future growth.

Manchester's Significant Decline in Deprivation Manchester has recorded the biggest fall in inner-city deprivation in Britain, according to a report by the Centre for Cities. This achievement is a significant boost for Andy Burnham, the Greater Manchester mayor, who is preparing to fight the Makerfield byelection before an expected leadership challenge against Keir Starmer. Key Findings of the Centre for Cities Report The report analyzed 63 UK towns and cities and found that Manchester had a 17-percentage-point fall in deprivation rates for neighborhoods within close proximity to its city centre between 2010 and 2025. This is the largest fall of any city analysed. Deprivation Rates: Then and Now In 2010, 75.7% of neighborhoods in and around Manchester's city centre ranked among the most deprived. By 2025, this number had decreased to 58.4%. Nationwide, the share of inner-city neighborhoods in the 20% most deprived places fell by seven percentage points, from 38% to 31%. The Impact of Devolution Andrew Carter, the thinktank's chief executive, emphasized the importance of backing metro mayors. He stated that big cities with devolved powers had outperformed smaller cities and towns, and that the government should continue to support mayors to deliver and ensure their plans for fiscal devolution reward metro mayors for boosting local growth. Future Outlook This report is likely to strengthen Burnham's claim that his approach to economic management, dubbed 'Manchesterism,' could be replicated nationwide. As the frontrunner to replace Keir Starmer, Burnham's success in Manchester could serve as a model for his potential future leadership role.

The LeadAndy Burnham is using his campaign launch video to present Manchesterism – a vision of ending neoliberalism through expanded public control of assets – as a concrete offer for a future Labour government. The proposal arrives as he prepares to contest the Makerfield byelection, with the stakes amplified by concerns over bond‑market reactions and fiscal discipline.Manchesterism as a Blueprint for National PolicyIn Manchester, Burnham has overseen the public‑ownership of the bus network and deepened state‑business partnerships to recycle growth proceeds. The Manchesterism doctrine seeks to replicate these models nationwide, emphasizing:Public control of essential utilities (energy, water, social housing)Devolution of decision‑making to local authoritiesA “productive state” that owns and operates key sectors rather than merely regulating themAdvisers such as Neal Lawson (Compass) and thinkers like Mathew Lawrence and Alex Williams provide the intellectual scaffolding, arguing that privatisation is the root of Britain’s economic malaise.Fiscal Discipline and Bond Market PressuresBurnham has pledged to adhere to Rachel Reeves’s fiscal rules, meaning any new spending must be funded by tax increases. The bond market, already jittery, fears a “Burnham penalty” – higher borrowing costs if unfunded spending expands. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride has warned that the market’s reaction could raise the cost of borrowing for the whole government.Public Control Proposals: From Buses to WaterThe first practical test will be the handling of Thames Water. While Burnham stops short of outright nationalisation, he advocates “public control” – potentially a municipally‑run entity with worker representation, similar to Berlin’s water model. The proposal aims to:Shift profit from private equity shareholders to public reinvestmentIntroduce democratic oversight of board appointmentsMaintain service continuity while reducing consumer billsCritics on Labour’s left argue this falls short of full nationalisation; right‑wing Labour voices claim the ideas are too theoretical for immediate implementation.Political Calculus in the Makerfield ByelectionThe byelection is a litmus test for Manchesterism’s electoral appeal. Burnham’s team, including outgoing MP Josh Simons and his economist wife Leah Simons, have spent hours vetting the economic agenda. Success would give Burnham a parliamentary platform; failure could hand the seat to Reform UK and undermine the broader narrative.Prospects for Manchesterism in WestminsterEven if Burnham wins Makerfield, translating local successes into national policy faces hurdles:Limited fiscal space under current fiscal rulesPotential resistance from the Treasury and private‑sector lobbyistsNeed for constitutional reforms championed by Compass, which are unlikely before the next general electionNevertheless, the Manchester model offers a tangible alternative to pure market‑driven provision, and its visibility could reshape Labour’s internal debate on public ownership for the remainder of the parliamentary term.

The Government's Intervention in Food PricingUK supermarkets have been asked by the government to consider putting a price freeze on some essential foodstuffs to protect the public from inflation fuelled by the Middle East conflict. This proposal comes amid growing concerns about the cost of living, with Chancellor Rachel Reeves having met supermarket bosses last month to discuss potential impacts on household expenses.The measure follows the Scottish National party's pledge to use its devolved public health powers to fix prices on 20 to 50 items such as bread, milk, cheese, eggs, rice and chicken because their rising cost was "impacting our nation's nutrition." However, the UK government is framing its approach as voluntary rather than mandatory price controls.Supermarket Industry PushbackRetailers have firmly rejected the government's plan, criticising its potential costs amid rising taxes, fuel and energy expenses. Supermarket executives have been particularly vocal in their opposition, with one calling the idea "completely mad" and another describing it as "an unnecessary, unwanted and unjustified intervention in the market."The British Retail Consortium, which represents all the big supermarkets, argues that the UK already has "the most affordable grocery prices in western Europe thanks to the fierce competition between supermarkets." Instead of price controls, the trade body urges the government to focus on reducing "public policy costs which are pushing up food prices in the first place."Operational Challenges of Price ControlsSupermarket sources reveal that while no formal requests have been made, discussions have centered around requiring retailers to stock at least one version of basic items such as bread, milk and butter at a set low price. This would ensure constant availability of these products, but could lead to unintended consequences.Ensuring such availability might require branded or more expensive lines to be discounted to the set price if cheaper varieties run out. "The cost of doing something like this is huge," one supermarket source said. "It would be a huge amount of work as we don't sell every [version of a product] in every store."The Scottish Devolution AngleThe SNP made its eye-catching price-fixing pledge at the launch of its manifesto for the Scottish parliament election, in which it won a record fifth term after securing 58 of Holyrood's 129 seats. However, the proposal was immediately dismissed as a "potty gimmick" by retailers and may put the party on a collision course with the UK government.The SNP's approach could breach the Scotland Act of 1998 that created the devolved parliament, potentially creating a constitutional crisis. A UK government source clarified that while the SNP favored government-mandated caps, the UK government was only proposing a voluntary price freeze, with talks still at an early stage.Market and Consumer Impact AnalysisRetail executives argue that a price freeze on essential items would likely have "unintended consequences on items they might not consider essential but might be for some families" as businesses sought to recover lost profits elsewhere. The plan might depress prices on the 20 or so items covered but could lead to increases in other product categories.UK retailers, farmers and food producers have warned that without help from the government there will be price rises and potential shortages. This creates a complex balancing act for policymakers seeking to address immediate cost concerns without disrupting the broader food supply chain.Policy Outlook and Next StepsChancellor Reeves is due to announce measures to help households with the cost of living, with the price cap proposal potentially being part of this announcement. However, according to sources close to the talks, there has yet to be any agreement on the specifics of such a policy.The Treasury has declined to comment on the ongoing discussions, leaving the market uncertain about the government's next moves. As the cost of living crisis continues to impact households, the debate over price controls is likely to intensify, with potential implications for supermarket profitability, consumer choice, and the broader UK economy.

Chris Haskins, Lord Haskins, who has died at the age of 88, was a highly influential figure in British business and politics. He was a key supporter of Tony Blair's New Labour project and played a crucial role in advising on regulatory reform and rural affairs. Early Life and Career Born in Dublin, Ireland, Haskins studied modern history at Trinity College Dublin, where he developed a reputation as a radical. He began his career in journalism, covering the Aldermaston marches for the Irish Times, before moving into business. In 1959, he traveled to England, married Gilda Horsley, and joined his father-in-law's company, Northern Dairies, which later became Northern Foods. Business Achievements Under Haskins' leadership, Northern Foods grew into Britain's leading food manufacturer. He was instrumental in developing chilled food techniques, which enabled the mass production of ready meals and convenience foods. A significant partnership with Marks & Spencer was established, which became a cornerstone of the company's success, generating annual sales of half a billion pounds. Public Service and Politics Haskins was a vocal advocate for various public causes, including European monetary union, English regional devolution, and the reduction of subsidies to British agriculture. He served as a 'rural tsar' during the foot and mouth outbreak of 2001 and authored a rural recovery report for Defra, which proposed a shift towards environmental concerns and a long-term reduction in subsidies. Legacy Throughout his life, Haskins was known for his 'no-nonsense approach' and his commitment to telling the truth as he saw it. He was a passionate advocate for regional devolution and took an active role in various Yorkshire economic bodies. Despite facing disappointment as governments wound down bodies he chaired, Haskins remained dedicated to his causes, reflecting on his life's work: 'Most of the campaigns of my life have failed, largely, I comfort myself, because I have been ahead of my time.' He is survived by his wife, Gilda, their five children, nine grandchildren, and a great-granddaughter.