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Peru is on the cusp of electing its 10th president in as many years, with a record-breaking field of 35 candidates competing for the top spot. The election, set to take place on April 12, comes as the country grapples with persistent political instability and growing concerns about crime and corruption.The presidential race has been marked by a fragmented electorate, with voters divided among dozens of candidates. Keiko Fujimori, daughter of former right-wing leader Alberto Fujimori, has emerged as a frontrunner, but her approval ratings remain relatively low at around 15 percent.The election also features a bicameral legislature, which was reinstated after a decades-long hiatus. Voters will select candidates to form a Senate for the first time since 1992.Crime and corruption are top-of-mind issues for voters, with 68 percent of Peruvians ranking insecurity as a top concern, followed by corruption at 67 percent. The country's political crisis has also contributed to the uncertainty surrounding the election.The leading candidates include Keiko Fujimori, Carlos Alvarez, Rafael Lopez Aliaga, and Roberto Sanchez Palomino. If no single candidate captures more than 50 percent of the vote, a second round of voting will be held on June 7.

Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

US Vice President JD Vance labeled Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy's comments about Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban as “completely scandalous” during a stop in Budapest. Vance’s remarks came as Hungary prepares for a critical parliamentary election on April 12, the toughest test of Orban’s 16‑year rule. Vance, speaking at a Hungarian university, said that a foreign head of government should never threaten the leader of an allied nation. He added that the media shows a double standard when it highlights alleged foreign interference in the 2016 U.S. election but downplays similar concerns in the Hungarian vote. Budapest has long accused Kyiv of attempting to influence the election by disrupting the flow of Russian oil through the Druzhba pipeline. Kyiv counters that the pipeline was damaged by a Russian drone attack in late January and is being repaired as quickly as possible. In retaliation, Hungary blocked a €90 billion (≈$105 billion) EU loan intended for Ukraine. Zelenskyy responded by warning that he could provide the identity of those responsible to the Ukrainian army, saying they could “speak with him in their own language.” Vance also criticized the European Union, arguing that withholding billions of euros from Hungary for “border protection” and Ukraine’s pipeline shutdown are not acts of foreign influence but rather political pressure. The European Commission said it would convey its concerns to Washington through diplomatic channels, highlighting the growing friction between the EU, the United States, and Hungary over the upcoming election. These developments illustrate how the Hungarian vote has become a flashpoint for broader geopolitical rivalries, linking domestic politics with U.S.‑EU coordination, Ukraine’s war‑time financing, and the future of EU‑Hungary relations.

Gentleman's Relish, a traditional British condiment, has been discontinued by its manufacturer, AB World Foods. However, Simpson's restaurant in London and Fortnum & Mason have stepped in to keep the spread alive. Jeremy King, who reopened Simpson's in the Strand last month, has instructed his chef to create a version of Gentleman's Relish almost identical to the original.The relish, made from anchovy fillets, rusk, butter, and a secret selection of herbs and spices, was created by John Osborn in 1828. It was a favourite condiment of James Bond writer Ian Fleming and has been named as one of the 10 foods that Nigella Lawson cannot live without. Simpson's serves the relish on toast for £6.50, while Fortnum & Mason offers it in a Tiffany blue pot for £14.95.King's version of the relish is based on a classic Victorian recipe for patum peperium, which he prefers to the mass-produced version. While he would like to sell it as a takeaway product, health and safety regulations prevent this. Nigella Lawson has expressed her love for the relish, saying it's a savoury version of cinnamon toast and just as comforting.

Lidl announced a major expansion in the United Kingdom, pledging to open 50 new stores over the next twelve months. The rollout is part of a broader strategy to become the country’s fifth‑largest supermarket, challenging Morrisons for that slot. In a unique move, the German‑owned retailer is also constructing its first pub in east Belfast. Local licensing rules require supermarkets to acquire a licence surrendered by an existing premises, and Lidl failed the standard off‑licence test but succeeded for a pub after two nearby bars closed. The venue, set to seat about 60 patrons, will open this summer and will feature a curated selection of Lidl‑branded beers, wines, spirits and other drinks, with a focus on supporting local suppliers. Lidl GB, which already operates more than 1,000 stores across Britain, said it will invest **over £600 million** in the UK expansion. The capital injection is expected to generate **almost 2,000 jobs** as the company enlarges its warehouse and logistics network to service the new outlets. Among the first locations slated for summer openings are Abbots Langley (near Watford), Warrington in Cheshire, and Thornbury in Gloucestershire. The company reported 50 store openings planned for the coming year, up from 40 in the previous twelve‑month period, and expects **no closures** during this time. Market data shows Lidl now matches Morrisons with an **8.3% share** of the UK grocery market, achieving the fastest growth among physical grocers. In the three months to 22 March, Lidl’s sales rose **9.6%**, outpacing Morrisons’ modest **2.3%** increase, which lagged behind inflation. Over the year to February 2025, Lidl’s UK sales climbed **8.3% to £11.7 billion**, while profits more than doubled to **£156.8 million** and employee numbers rose to **11,422**. Chief Executive Ryan McDonnell emphasized the broader impact, stating, “Our expansion translates directly into high‑quality jobs and gives British suppliers the certainty they need to invest in the future.” The move has also drawn praise from Kate Dearden, the minister for employment rights and consumer protection, who highlighted the importance of such investment for community standards and fair wages. While Lidl and rival Aldi have surged ahead by offering low‑price alternatives amid a cost‑of‑living crunch, traditional giants Tesco and Sainsbury’s are responding with enhanced loyalty programmes and price‑competitive ranges to retain market share.

The latest Cannes lineup reveals a clear pivot from the usual Hollywood glamour toward a roster dominated by celebrated world‑cinema auteurs such as Pedro Almodóvar, Cristian Mungiu and Asghar Farhadi. While last year’s festival was anchored by a Mission: Impossible spectacle starring Tom Cruise, this edition offers a more eclectic mix, including debut features from Andy Garcia (who also stars in his crime drama Diamond) and John Travolta, who directs the aviation‑themed Propeller One‑Way Night Coach based on his own novel.Under the stewardship of director Thierry Frémaux, Cannes continues to bar films that are exclusive to streaming platforms, a stance that has been vindicated by recent Oscar successes for festival selections. The festival also entered the AI debate: Steven Soderbergh’s documentary John Lennon: The Last Interview employs artificial intelligence to reconstruct visual elements of the legendary interview, sparking both fascination and unease among attendees.Gender representation remains skewed, with a noticeable predominance of male directors in the competition slate, although the final list is still pending. Notably absent are any British filmmakers, despite the inclusion of Polish auteur Paweł Pawlikowski, whose biopic of Thomas Mann, Fatherland, could be loosely claimed as a UK entry given his long residence there.Geopolitical undercurrents are hard to ignore. Russian director Andrey Zvyagintsev returns with Minotaur, a film about a beleaguered Russian businessman. Zvyagintsev, once favored by Vladimir Putin, now lives in exile in France, adding a layer of political intrigue to his work amid the ongoing war in Ukraine.The competition also features a strong historical thread: László Nemes’s Moulin revisits occupied France, Emmanuel Marre’s Notre Salut explores Vichy‑era France, and Lukas Dhont’s Coward follows a Belgian soldier’s harrowing experience in World‑I trenches.Among the more provocative entries, Nicolas Winding Refn’s Her Private Hell promises shock value in the out‑of‑competition slot, while the Un Certain Regard section showcases Jane Schoenbrun’s queer slasher Teenage Sex and Death at Camp Miasma, likely to become a festival highlight.

Zack Polanski, the leader of the Green Party, has made a strong call to action for the UK government to withdraw its trade agreement with Israel in light of the recent Israeli strikes on Lebanon. Polanski expressed his concerns about Israel's actions, accusing them of 'behaving in a completely uncontrolled way.'During the launch of the Green party's local election campaign in London, Polanski urged the government to take a firmer stance against Israel, stating that it is 'outrageous that Israel is still enjoying diplomatic and trade privileges from the international community.' He emphasized the need for robust sanctions against Israel and an end to the 'genocide.'Polanski also criticized the UK government's claim of not being involved in the conflict with Iran, arguing that its bases had been used to aid US bombers attacking Iran. He called for the disentanglement of UK and US military operations and a ban on the US using UK airspace.When asked about the economic implications of ending the trade deal with Israel, Polanski prioritized human lives over financial concerns, stating that the UK should not put 'a cost on people's lives.'In addition to his comments on Israel, Polanski criticized Labour's housing policies, arguing that Green-run councils would focus on building new council houses and 'stand up' to property developers who resist building affordable homes. He accused Labour councils of building 'luxury, unaffordable buildings that no one's ever going to live in.'Labour responded by accusing Green party councillors of trying to block 42,000 homes across the country since 2018 and said they were not delivering social rented housing in areas where they were in power.

Rebecca Solnit's latest book, 'The Beginning Comes After the End', serves as a powerful reminder that change is inevitable and that we have the power to shape our future. Drawing on her previous work, Hope in the Dark, Solnit emphasizes the importance of hope and resilience in the face of uncertainty.In her 2004 book, Hope in the Dark, Solnit offered a vision of solidarity and tenacity in response to the war in Iraq. The book experienced a surge in popularity after the 2016 election of Donald Trump, and its message of hope and humility continues to resonate today. As Solnit notes, 'Hope is not a door, but a sense that there might be a door at some point, some way out of the problems of the present moment even before that way is found or followed.'Solnit's new book picks up this thread, arguing that 'you do not have to picture the destination to reach it or at least draw closer to it, you just need to choose a direction and keep on walking'. She draws on a wide range of sources, including history, philosophy, and contemporary writing, to explore moments of reparation and progress.One of the key takeaways from Solnit's work is the importance of acknowledging the enormous gains that have been made in recent decades in areas such as women's rights, racial justice, and environmental protections. As she notes, 'Our world has changed more than almost anyone imagined, in ways both wonderful and terrible, often in ways no one anticipated'. By focusing on these successes, Solnit encourages readers to adopt a more optimistic and forward-thinking mindset.Solnit also explores the idea of interconnectedness and independence, arguing that this worldview has the power to shape our future. She writes, 'whether or not it is true, a lot of us want it to be true, and that desire says a lot about who we are right now'. By embracing this idea, readers can begin to see the world in a new light and work towards creating a better future.While some readers may be disappointed by the lack of policy prescriptions or organizing strategies, Solnit's book is a deliberate exercise in reframing our approach to change. As she notes, 'change happens so subtly, so slowly, that only a milestone lets you know that it has been taking place all along'. By adopting a more nuanced and hopeful view of the world, readers can begin to see the small changes that add up to a large one.

On 23 June 2016, the United Kingdom’s electorate shifted from party‑centric voting to a binary choice between staying in or leaving the European Union. A decade later, about 60 % of the population still define themselves by the side they chose in that single referendum, turning a one‑off political decision into a lasting personal identity.While analysts often focus on the policy fallout—economic turbulence, party infighting, and shifting trade relations—the real impact runs deeper. The referendum ignited a civil‑war‑like split that continues to shape elections, media narratives, and everyday conversations across the country.Before the global upheavals of the George Floyd protests and the Covid‑19 vaccine rollout, Brexit was Britain’s most potent form of identity politics. It spawned new media outlets, such as GB News, and programmes like The Rest Is Politics, while also marginalising older cultural tropes like the “centrist dad” or “gammon” heckler on Question Time. Figures such as Nigel Farage and Zack Polanski now occupy the political fringe rather than the mainstream.The analysis draws on the new book Tribal Politics: How Brexit Divided Britain by political scientists Sara Hobolt and James Tilley. Their longitudinal surveys reveal a simple yet striking pattern: the referendum transformed a previously lukewarm public attitude toward the EU into a powerful, identity‑based habit.Prior to 2016, most Britons held only a mild Euroscepticism and gave the EU little thought. Even former Prime Minister David Cameron tried to silence the issue in 2006, believing it failed to engage voters. The sudden elevation of a niche concern to a national obsession forced ordinary citizens to pick a side, discuss it in pubs, and embed it into their self‑image—a process James Clear describes as building “identity‑based habits”.Data from Hobolt and Tilley show that emotional attachment to the Brexit identity was modest before the vote, rose sharply as the referendum approached, and surged dramatically after the result was announced. The post‑vote period saw a flood of EU‑themed merchandise, street rallies, and even flag‑clashes at cultural events such as the 2017 Last Night of the Proms.Crucially, the tribal divide has not faded. By 2025, only around 40 % of “Leavers” feel comfortable discussing politics with “Remainers”, and the sentiment is reciprocated. This goes beyond mere disagreement; it reflects a level of social discrimination where individuals on opposite sides would hesitate to share a home or marry into each other’s families.The authors note that the split now extends to perceptions of reality itself. Even in 2024, Remainers and Leavers disagreed on basic economic indicators, illustrating how the referendum reshaped not just policy preferences but fundamental worldviews.Class‑based voting, which dominated the 20th‑century British political landscape, has been largely supplanted by this new cultural cleavage. A previous study co‑authored by Tilley showed that the Labour Party’s turn toward the political centre in the 1990s eroded traditional working‑class loyalty. Today, leader Keir Starmer’s working‑class credentials appear largely symbolic, offering little substantive change.With class politics receded, culture wars have taken centre stage. The Brexit campaign’s vague promises about trade left the nation with a protracted, messy adjustment period. Immigration, famously dubbed the “baseball bat” issue by Dominic Cummings, remains the most polarising policy divide, followed by foreign aid and even the death penalty.Hobolt and Tilley’s most striking chart shows that while Remainers and Leavers clash over immigration, they share little disagreement on economic equality, workers’ rights, or public ownership—issues that directly affect household incomes. This suggests that the political battle is driven more by symbolic identity than by material concerns, benefitting those already financially secure.In sum, the United Kingdom’s post‑Brexit reality is one of entrenched tribalism, where a single referendum has reshaped social bonds, political discourse, and perceptions of truth itself. The nation continues to grapple with the legacy of a vote that turned a policy decision into a lasting cultural fault line.