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The war in Iran has sent shockwaves through the UK economy, causing gilt yields to surge to their highest levels since the 2008 global financial crisis. This increase in borrowing costs has significant implications for Chancellor Rachel Reeves' fiscal policy, potentially eroding the £23bn in 'headroom' she had built up against her fiscal rules.Reeves had hoped that this cushion would allow her to focus on tackling inflation and stimulating growth, but with oil prices up 50% since the onset of the war, investors are now expecting higher inflation and interest rates. As a result, the government's cost of borrowing is set to rise, impacting its ability to fund public spending.The yield on 10-year gilts has jumped to nearly 5%, pushing up the cost of borrowing and forcing Reeves to reconsider her spending plans. This development has also raised concerns about the UK's economic fragility and the potential for a Labour leadership contest to be triggered after the May local elections.Economists warn that the chancellor has probably already lost a third to half of her headroom due to the combination of higher inflation, weaker employment, and surging gilt yields. The situation is further complicated by the UK's high debt levels and reliance on global markets, leaving little room for maneuver for any future government.The implications of this crisis extend beyond Reeves, raising questions about the economic pitch of any potential steward of the economy, whether from Labour or other parties. As Angela Rayner considers John Healey as a potential chancellor, the need for a carefully plotted economic policy that balances growth and fiscal responsibility has become increasingly urgent.

England's World Cup preparations have hit a snag with several key players withdrawing from the squad due to injuries. John Stones, Declan Rice, Bukayo Saka, and Noni Madueke have all pulled out of the team's friendly match against Japan.Manager Thomas Tuchel had named an oversized 35-man squad for the current camp, with plans to trim the group before the World Cup. However, the spate of withdrawals has complicated his plans. Rice and Saka were among 11 players who joined the squad late, and their absence will be felt against Japan.Stones was due to start against Uruguay but pulled out with a calf injury. The experienced defender has made only 19 appearances for club and country this season, and his exit raises doubts about his World Cup participation.The Arsenal trio of Rice, Saka, and Madueke have all withdrawn from the squad. Madueke limped off against Uruguay with an injury and has been sent for treatment. Rice and Saka will return to their club for assessment on minor problems.The withdrawals have left Tuchel with a selection headache ahead of the World Cup. Harry Maguire and Ben White are likely to feature against Japan, while Phil Foden's participation is uncertain after he struggled against Uruguay.

Iran's regime has organised over 850 public demonstrations in support of the government since the beginning of the war, showcasing its resilience amid a month-long campaign of intensive airstrikes by the US and Israel. The high number of pro-regime gatherings and the increasing number of detentions underline the regime's determination to maintain control.The war began with a surprise Israeli strike that killed Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's supreme leader, and many senior officials. Despite this, the regime has not fragmented, and there are no defections. Experts say the messaging within Iran is that they are winning, and this is constant and consistent.Clionadh Raleigh, president of Acled, an independent conflict monitor, noted that the US-Israeli decapitation strategy could not have been more successful, but the regime has adapted. The Acled research also shows that the number of US and Israeli strikes on Iran has remained steady at between 47 and 102 attacks daily that have caused significant civilian casualties.Tehran's retaliation has been largely ineffective, causing only 70 fatalities during the war, compared with 1,157 killed inside Iran, of whom 341 have been identified as civilians. The researchers noted that 99.2% of protests were pro-regime, indicating a coordinated effort to show nationalist consolidation under external attack.The arrest campaign is the regime's primary domestic tool, with approximately 1,465-plus detained in 27 days. Charges escalated from 'filming damage' to 'espionage' and 'mercenary' as the conflict progressed. Details of such repression are difficult to obtain, but recent incidents include the deaths of 10 people when Revolutionary Guards fired on anti-regime demonstrators and shot at apartment windows in Tehran on 25 March.Estimates of civilian casualties vary, with over 1,900 people killed and at least 20,000 injured in Iran since the start of US and Israeli attacks, according to the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRC). The US-based Human Rights Activists news agency (HRANA) said 3,300 people had been killed since the war began, including 1,464 civilians and at least 217 children.

Australia's recent introduction of 'hate speech' laws has sparked controversy, with human rights groups warning that the legislation could be used to suppress legitimate criticism of Israel's actions in Palestine. The laws, which were rushed through the New South Wales federal parliament in January, specifically target speech considered anti-Semitic and carry a maximum penalty of two years' imprisonment for those found guilty. Arif Hussein, senior lawyer at the Human Rights Law Centre, has expressed concerns that the legislation could be used to unfairly impact peaceful protest and speech regarding Israel's actions in Palestine. “There are serious concerns that the new laws could have a chilling effect on legitimate activism and protest and unfairly impact peaceful protest and speech regarding Israel’s actions in Palestine,” Hussein said. The laws have been introduced in response to a mass shooting at Sydney's Bondi Beach in December, which killed 15 people. However, critics argue that the legislation prioritizes the protection of the Jewish community over other vulnerable groups. Greens party spokesperson Senator David Shoebridge has criticized the laws, saying they were 'deliberately designed to not protect' vulnerable communities such as Muslims, women, and LGBTQ+ Australians. “Unfortunately, the Albanese Labor government and the Liberals made the decision to protect just one religion,” he said. The laws have also been criticized for their broad and poorly defined criminal powers, which could be used against legitimate human rights groups, including those focused on Palestine. Police powers across Australia have also been strengthened to crack down on pro-Palestine protests, with reports of excessive force used against demonstrators. The controversy surrounding the laws highlights the challenges of balancing free speech with the need to combat hate speech and protect vulnerable communities.

When Hugh Bonneville was first asked to reprise his role as Ian Fletcher in John Morton's workplace satires, his emotions were conflicted. The actor described being 'absolutely delighted' yet 'terrified' at the prospect, calling the experience 'the most painful and horrible' of his television career.Bonneville, now widely recognized for his roles in Downton Abbey and Paddington, first portrayed Fletcher as 'Head of Deliverance of the Olympic Deliverance Commission' in Twenty Twelve. In W1A, he played 'Head of Values' at the BBC. Nine years later, the weary character returns as 'Director of Integrity' at an international football organization hosting a tournament, with its real-world basis deliberately obscured by the production.Despite the seemingly mundane setting of boardroom meetings and PowerPoints, the series stands out for its meticulously constructed naturalism and intricate dialogue. The scripts are twice as long as typical 30-minute sitcoms, featuring stammered half-sentences where the difference between phrases like 'yes well but' and 'but well yes' is profoundly significant.'It's the most impossible thing to learn because sometimes the sentences don't make sense,' Bonneville explains. 'The difference between 'yes well but' and 'but well yes' is profound', he adds, noting that he frequently struggles with the complex dialogue while his co-stars excel.Twenty Twenty Six shifts the setting to Miami, transforming Fletcher from a captain of British politeness into a mediator in American corporate culture. He's reunited with Will Humphries (Hugh Skinner), his hapless intern from BBC days, whose social uncertainty remains unrivalled. 'I'm now describing Will as the Paddington of the office world - he means well, but he's going to bump into everything and set the photocopier on fire,' Bonneville says.The series expands the ensemble with international characters including Belgian chief coordinating attaché Eric Van Dupuytrens, American sustainability head Sarah Campbell, and Mexican 'VP Optics and Narrative' Gabriela De La Rosa. If previous shows examined unspoken British social etiquette, this installment presents more of a culture clash comedy, with Fletcher navigating a world where people express themselves directly rather than through British subtlety.John Morton, the creator, chose the World Cup backdrop not for its football significance but because its unwieldy scale across 16 cities presents fertile ground for comedic mishaps. 'As a writer, you think: hmm, that smells like things could go wrong,' Morton explains. The show addresses contemporary issues including Trump references and environmental concerns, though Morton maintains it's not about football controversies.The filming itself presented unique challenges, with production in a Wembley school transformed to resemble a Miami arts center. Despite the artificial setting, the cast found the UK heat surprisingly authentic to Florida's climate. 'The irony being had we filmed it in Miami, it would have been air-conditioned,' Bonneville laments, capturing the production's British approach to discomfort.

The UK government's borrowing costs have risen above 5% amid an intensifying global bond market sell-off fueled by the Iran war. The yield – or interest rate – on 10-year debt hit its highest level since the 2008 financial crisis, rising 13 basis points to 5.081%, as investors acted on concerns about the economic fallout from the conflict.Borrowing costs also rose for the US and eurozone governments, underscoring growing turbulence in the global financial system after Donald Trump's extension of a deadline for a peace deal failed to soothe jittery investors. Financial markets worldwide slumped on Friday, extending falls seen since the outbreak of the war, with losses in London and across major US and EU trading hubs. The price of Brent crude remained above $110 a barrel.Kathleen Brooks, the research director for the UK at the financial trading platform XTB, said: “Markets feel more panicky this week, and Friday’s price action suggests that investors are losing faith in Donald Trump’s ability to end this war and reach a deal with the Iranians.”Economists have warned that the Bank of England could be forced to take a tough approach to tackling inflation after losing some of its credibility by underestimating the leap in inflationary pressures in 2022. The increase in borrowing costs will add to the challenges facing Rachel Reeves, the chancellor, amid pressure on Labour to provide a package of financial support for households already reeling from a cost of living crisis.

Adele Bertei's memoir, 'No New York', provides an essential slice of New York's bohemian history, particularly its no wave music scene in the late 1970s. Bertei, a relative unknown, brings a fresh perspective to the era, unencumbered by cultural baggage.Bertei's journey begins with her arrival in Manhattan in 1977, a city struggling with a municipal debt crisis and frequent fires. However, this period also saw a creative explosion, with the avant-garde art scene thriving post-Warhol. Bertei immerses herself in the alternative scene, crossing paths with future counter-culture icons like Joey Ramone and Alan Vega.Her writing vividly captures the era's spirit, describing the no wave music scene as "Dada brutalism" and a "negation of every way that had come before". As a member of the Contortions, Bertei experiences firsthand the challenging nature of the music, which was an expression of a darker collective reality. She also highlights the barriers faced by women and queers in the music industry, where sexism and homophobia were prevalent.Bertei's memoir is not without its challenges, as the focus shifts post-no wave, and she becomes a witness to subsequent cultural moments rather than a central figure. Despite this, her vivid and visceral account remains essential reading for anyone interested in alternative music.No New York: A Memoir of No Wave and the Women Who Shaped the Scene by Adele Bertei is published by Faber (£20).

The recent escalation of conflict in the Middle East has sent shockwaves across South Asia, affecting millions of families who depend on remittances from their loved ones working in the Gulf nations. The war between the US and Israel on Iran has resulted in a significant increase in tensions, with Iranian attacks on Gulf neighbours causing widespread fear and uncertainty.For Jaya Khuntia, a father from India's Odisha state, the conflict has brought unimaginable tragedy. His 25-year-old son, Kuna, a pipe fitter in Qatar's capital Doha, died of a heart attack after hearing the sound of missiles and debris from interceptions falling near their residence. Kuna's death has left the family in debt and despair, with their hopes of paying off a 300,000-rupee ($3200) loan for the marriages of their two daughters shattered.Migrant workers from South Asia, totaling nearly 21 million people in the Gulf nations, are often engaged in blue-collar work, building or supporting the industries and services that drive the Gulf's success and prosperity. However, they are also among the most vulnerable, with many working in areas targeted by Iranian attacks, such as oil refineries, construction areas, airports, and docks.The suspension of work at many of these facilities, coupled with fears of a major economic downturn in the region, has left many workers and their families worried about the future of their jobs. Experts warn that remittances from the Middle East, a crucial economic backbone for South Asian nations, could be significantly affected, especially if Gulf economies contract and layoffs follow.For Hamza, a Pakistani migrant laborer working at an oil storage facility in the UAE, the conflict has brought a sense of fear and uncertainty. He witnessed a drone attack on a storage unit and was shaken by the experience. Despite the dangers, he said leaving is not an option, as his family depends on him.Imran Khan, a faculty member at the New Delhi Institute of Management, said migrant laborers from South Asia are often driven by desperation to take up jobs in the Middle East. He warned that these workers are the worst affected during crises, whether war or natural disasters.As the conflict continues, many South Asian workers are planning to return home. Noor, a migrant worker from Bangladesh employed at an oil facility in Saudi Arabia, said he no longer feels safe and plans to return home once his contract ends. His family, too, is deeply affected, with his children crying every time they call him, scared for his life.

Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia – For over a decade, Sanjeet, a business consultant from India, considered Malaysia his home. Having grown comfortable with the country's climate, people, and lifestyle, he had begun planning long-term investments, including property purchases.However, recent government initiatives to reduce Malaysia's reliance on foreign workers have abruptly disrupted these plans for Sanjeet and thousands of other expatriates. Starting June, minimum salary requirements for foreign workers will increase by up to 100%, while their maximum permitted stay will be limited to five or ten years."What was surprising was that this came out of the blue," Sanjeet, who requested to use a pseudonym, told Al Jazeera. "It does leave room for doubt in terms of long-term plans, which include things like buying a house or car here."Malaysia has long been an attractive destination for foreign labor, with approximately 2.1 million documented foreign workers currently in the country. While many take on manual labor at the minimum wage of 1,700 ringgit ($430) monthly, a smaller but significant pool of around 140 highly-paid expatriates contributes substantially to the economy.In 2024, Home Affairs Minister Saifuddin Nasution revealed that these high-salaried expatriates injected about 75 billion ringgit ($19 billion) into the domestic economy annually while contributing approximately 100 million ringgit ($25 million) in taxes.The government's latest five-year national strategy, released in 2025, warns that Malaysia's "continuous reliance" on low-skilled foreign workers has hampered technological adoption and created "ripple effects" in the labor market, including wage distortions and slow productivity growth.To address these concerns, authorities aim to reduce the foreign workforce proportion from 14.1% in 2024 to just 5% by 2035. This ambitious target is supported by new minimum salary requirements that will see thresholds increase from 10,000 to 20,000 ringgit ($2,500 to $5,000), 5,000 to 10,000 ringgit ($1,260 to $2,520), and 3,000 to 5,000 ringgit ($760 to $1,260) for different work permit categories.UK native Thomas Mead, a 28-year-old wealth manager who recently purchased property in Kuala Lumpur, expressed shock at the sudden policy changes. "However, the jump from RM10,000 to RM20,000 was quite a shock," he said, noting that some expatriates are already considering relocation options despite their reluctance to leave.The policy changes are also raising concerns among businesses. Douglas Gan, a Singaporean founder of a venture capital fund with Malaysian portfolio companies, warned that the new rules would drive up costs and make it challenging to recruit specialized talent. "If salaries increase to 10,000 ringgit, companies definitely won't bring them here," he said, advocating for a more tailored approach rather than a "blanket solution."Leonardo, an Indonesian professional working in Malaysia's computer games sector, faces downgrading to a lower employment pass category under the new rules, potentially jeopardizing his plans to bring his mother to live in the country. "My mum is alone and living in Indonesia. There was a thought that if I could settle here, I could bring her over," he said.Economic analysts caution that the success of these policies depends on Malaysia's ability to develop its local workforce. "The long-run gain depends less on blocking expats and more on whether Malaysia can actually supply the skills," said Wan Suhaimie, head of economic research at Kenanga Investment Bank. He emphasized that foreign workers on mid-tier employment passes are not extravagant hires but "core managers, engineers and specialists."Anthony Dass, CEO of FSG Advisory, noted that while the measures align with strengthening the local talent pipeline, their effectiveness will depend on complementary reforms in capability building and industry upgrading.As these policies take shape, expatriates like Sanjeet are already considering alternatives. "If Malaysia pursues these policies without a comprehensive rationale, then people like me will look for alternatives such as Vietnam, Thailand and elsewhere, which have favourable policies for expats," he concluded.