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The Norwegian Nobel Committee, which awards the Nobel Peace Prize, has publicly condemned Moscow’s latest effort to label the human‑rights organisation Memorial as an "extremist organisation". Chairman Jørgen Watne Frydnes said the committee is "deeply alarmed" by the Russian authorities’ attempt to dismantle a co‑recipient of the 2022 Peace Prize. According to the statement released on Wednesday, Russia’s Supreme Court is set to review a petition from the Ministry of Justice that seeks to add Memorial to the nation’s list of “undesirable” entities. If approved, the designation would ban the group from operating within Russia and expose anyone associated with it to up to four years in prison and substantial fines. Memorial, already branded a “foreign agent” and ordered dissolved by the Supreme Court at the end of 2021, would see all of its activities criminalised under the new petition, Frydnes warned. He added that even sharing the organisation’s published material could lead to imprisonment. “To designate such an organisation as extremist is an affront to the fundamental values of human dignity and freedom of expression,” Frydnes asserted, urging Russian officials to withdraw the claim immediately and cease all harassment of Memorial and its members. Memorial shared the 2022 Nobel Peace Prize with Ukraine’s Centre for Civil Liberties and Belarusian activist Ales Bialiatski. Founded in 1987, Memorial specialises in documenting human‑rights violations across Russia and once operated a network of roughly 50 affiliated groups both inside and outside the country. Several of these affiliates continue their work from bases in Germany, France and Italy. Key figures from Memorial have faced criminal proceedings in Russia. Notably, activist Oleg Orlov, who was sentenced for speaking out against the war in Ukraine, was released in a 2024 prisoner exchange and now works abroad to continue documenting abuses. The committee’s statement concludes with a direct appeal: Russian authorities should immediately rescind the extremist label and halt any further intimidation of the organisation and its supporters.

In a shocking escalation of violence, civilians in Gaza's Maghazi camp were caught in the crossfire as rival armed groups clashed, leaving 10 people dead and 44 injured. The incident occurred on Monday, with eyewitnesses describing scenes of panic and chaos as armed men stormed homes and a school run by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA).The violence began when armed groups approached from the direction of the "yellow line" that separates Palestinian and Israeli-controlled areas of Gaza. The groups, allegedly backed by Israeli forces, moved towards civilian homes and the Al-Maghazi Preparatory Boys School, which is sheltering large numbers of displaced people.Residents reported that the armed men, who identified themselves as the "Popular Forces combating terrorism", a rival group to Hamas, broke into homes, detained family members, and used the houses as cover during the battle. The family of Asaad Nteel, who was caught up in the violence, described being ordered to gather in one room and not move, fearing harm to themselves and their children.The clashes, which lasted for over an hour and a half, caused extreme distress to residents, who do not support these groups. Local people claim the armed men were provided with cover and support by Israeli forces, with some eyewitnesses reporting the use of armed drones to aid the armed men's withdrawal.The Palestinian Centre for Human Rights has documented previous violence by these groups, including looting of aid convoys, kidnappings, torture, and killings, with cover or support from the Israeli army. The centre has called for an urgent independent investigation, accountability for those responsible, and effective protection for civilians.The incident has sparked widespread outrage on social media, with activists sharing videos documenting victims being transported to hospitals. The violence has also raised concerns about the emerging armed groups in Gaza, which appear to operate near areas along the "yellow line".Since the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas supposedly began on October 11, 733 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, and 2,034 injured, in addition to 759 bodies recovered. The situation remains dire, with civilians continuing to bear the brunt of the conflict.

The United States' newly disclosed arrangement to transfer certain detainees to third‑country destinations has triggered a wave of criticism across the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Local authorities and human‑rights groups argue that the deal undermines the DRC's sovereignty and raises serious concerns about the treatment of deportees. While details of the agreement remain limited, the backlash underscores growing tensions over migration policies that involve multiple nations. Critics in the DRC are calling for greater transparency and for the United States to reassess the humanitarian implications of the deportation scheme. Stakeholders emphasize that any such arrangement must comply with international law and respect the rights of individuals facing removal, warning that failure to do so could damage diplomatic relations between the two countries.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

Iran and the United States have agreed to a two-week ceasefire, with talks set to begin in Islamabad, Pakistan, on Friday. The ceasefire comes after US President Donald Trump said he was calling off a threat to bomb Iran's power plants and bridges and suspending attacks on the country for two weeks.The truce is contingent on Iran agreeing to the 'complete, immediate and safe opening' of the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway through which a fifth of global oil supply passes. Iran's partial blockade of the strait has disrupted global trade, driving up oil prices and causing fuel shortages worldwide.Iran's National Security Council has confirmed that Tehran has agreed to talks based on a 10-point proposal from Iran. The proposal calls for Iranian dominance and oversight of the Strait of Hormuz, the withdrawal of all 'US combat forces' from bases in the Middle East, and a halt to military operations against allied armed groups across the region.The proposal also demands 'full compensation' for war damages, the lifting of all sanctions by the US, the United Nations Security Council, and the International Atomic Energy Agency, and the release of frozen Iranian assets abroad.Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif said the warring sides had agreed to an 'immediate ceasefire everywhere', including Lebanon and elsewhere. He extended an invitation to US and Iranian delegations to Islamabad on Friday to further negotiate a conclusive agreement.

In the spring of 2002, the modest Free Butt pub on Brighton’s seafront buzzed with a restless energy. Future stars such as Natasha Khan, then a university art student, danced atop the bar while the Yeah Yeah Yeahs thundered through their first UK dates. Behind the scenes, band frontmen like Guy McKnight of Eighties Matchbox B‑Line Disaster served pints, and budding engineers like Steve Ansell of Cat on Form fine‑tuned the sound. The atmosphere felt like a rite of passage, where any performer could slip from a cramped stage to national attention.Unlike the neatly branded scenes of New York’s garage‑rock revival or London’s Libertines‑driven hype, Brighton’s early‑2000s scene resisted a single aesthetic. Rock groups emerged from rehearsal rooms and tiny clubs with wildly different looks and sounds, creating a cultural mosaic rather than a monolithic movement.Electrelane’s guitarist recalls recording their debut Rock It to the Moon in a studio once owned by the Levellers, and crafting their sophomore effort inside a former public toilet. These unconventional spaces proved surprisingly fertile, underscoring the city’s DIY spirit.By the turn of the millennium, the big‑beat dominance of Fatboy Slim and Skint Records had faded, making way for a grassroots rock surge. Sea Power relocated from Reading to Brighton, drawn by the city’s “dilapidated charm and fresh sea air”. Their self‑organized Club Sea Power nights at the Lift offered a chaotic yet liberating platform that eventually caught Rough Trade’s attention.Women played a pivotal role in shaping the scene’s infrastructure. Promoters Lisa Lout and Anna Moulson, both still active, booked seminal shows—including the Strokes’ first UK gig at the Lift in 2001—and helped launch the Great Escape festival. Their efforts ensured that bands such as the Pipettes, Electrelane and Bat for Lashes could share stages and media coverage.Artists recall the city’s palpable sense of belonging. Rose Dougall of the Pipettes describes a landscape where “alternative culture was on every street, from vintage shops to the colour of the houses,” and where “small venues made it feel attainable to launch a project.” Similarly, Brakes frontman Eamon Hamilton contrasts Brighton’s walk‑able, collaborative vibe with London’s darker, more competitive energy.Music journalism mirrored the scene’s intensity. Everett True and photographer Steve Gullick launched Careless Talk Costs Lives in 2002, a deliberately short‑run magazine that championed female writers and bands at a time when the industry was still heavily male‑dominated.As rents surged through the 2010s, many of the cheap flats, rehearsal rooms and iconic venues that underpinned the scene vanished. The Free Butt closed, independent record stores shuttered, and the once‑abundant low‑cost infrastructure dwindled, prompting a migration of creative energy down the coast to places like Margate, Ramsgate, Folkestone and Shoreham.Nevertheless, the remnants of Brighton’s network continue to nurture new talent, from the Kooks to Dream Wife and Gazelle Twin. The city’s strength lies not in a singular sound but in its capacity to host a “constant collision of wildly dissimilar bands,” allowing artists to develop authentically and fearlessly.

Footage captured on the streets of Tehran shows small groups of citizens gathering around Enghelab Square – a historic rally point for pro‑regime supporters – some waving Iranian flags, others draped over their backs. The atmosphere is far from uniform; debates and arguments erupted shortly after the ceasefire announcement, reflecting a spectrum of emotions from shock to tentative hope.The video, posted by Majid Nouri – son of former prison official Hamid Nouri – includes his running commentary. He notes that the discussions began around 3 a.m. and continued into the morning, with participants expressing both anger and disbelief. "In no way do we trust America," Nouri declared, echoing a sentiment he says is shared by virtually every Iranian.Pro‑government demonstrators were heard chanting "Death to America, death to Israel, death to compromisers!" and burning U.S. and Israeli flags, according to the Associated Press. The chants persisted despite attempts by organizers to calm the crowd, underscoring the depth of anti‑Western feeling among hardliners.While the ceasefire halted active hostilities, the war has already claimed at least 1,900 lives in Iran. With internet services largely blacked out, gauging the broader public mood is challenging, but pockets of Tehran reported subdued celebrations in the early hours of Wednesday.Local resident Ali, a 31‑year‑old, summed up the prevailing uncertainty: "Most people here don’t trust the US and still don’t know exactly what is going to happen, so they are unsure whether they should be happy or worried." He warned that the ceasefire’s two‑week duration offers no guarantee of lasting peace.Business owners are beginning to test the waters. Hamid, a 43‑year‑old shopkeeper whose grocery and cleaning‑supplies store closed after the February bombings, said, "Today feels like there is no war," and he has reopened his shop, hoping to recover lost income for his family.Iranian officials are framing the pause as a diplomatic victory. Former foreign minister Ali Akbar Velayati posted on X that the conflict has reshaped the global power balance, positioning Iran within a new multipolar order. President Masoud Pezeshkian praised the ceasefire as the fruit of the blood of Iran’s “great martyred leader” and the collective will of the people.Strategically, the ceasefire highlights Tehran’s ability to disrupt the vital Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint for global oil shipments. Analysts note that this leverage could bolster Iran’s negotiating stance, even as former U.S. President Donald Trump previously warned that a full‑scale clash would threaten "a whole civilisation." As sunrise illuminated the capital, daily life resumed with shops reopening and traffic returning to the streets, yet the prevailing mood remains a blend of exhaustion, cautious optimism, and lingering mistrust of the United States.

Health‑service workers have voiced strong unease after it emerged that engineers from the controversial US tech firm Palantir were issued NHS.net email accounts. Those accounts unlock a directory containing contact details for as many as 1.5 million NHS staff members, as well as access to SharePoint file‑sharing and Microsoft Teams groups used by the service. Palantir’s engineers are supporting the rollout of the Federated Data Platform (FDP), a £300 million contract awarded in 2023 to link patient records across disparate NHS systems. The government touts FDP as a cornerstone of its plan to "reinvent the NHS" by moving from analogue to digital, promising faster diagnoses, better appointment allocation and more personalised treatment. While the use of NHS email accounts by external suppliers is not unprecedented, Palantir’s reputation for AI‑driven surveillance and military‑grade technology has amplified staff, patient and human‑rights concerns. Rory Gibson, a resident doctor, warned that his personal contact details should not be accessible to a company that also works on drone‑strike systems. The Guardian has identified at least six Palantir engineers who have been given NHS.net credentials. In response, a Palantir spokesperson argued that such access is "normal practice for government suppliers" and cited official guidance that government systems are more secure than external alternatives. Palantir claims its software has already yielded measurable benefits: 110,000 additional operations, a 15.3% reduction in discharge delays and a 6.8% rise in cancer diagnoses within 28 days of referral. The company stresses that it merely provides software, with data usage remaining under NHS control and subject to strict contractual confidentiality. David Rowland, director of the Centre for Health and the Public Interest, acknowledged that granting NHS email addresses may not breach rules but highlighted the "deep ethical concerns" that Palantir’s profit‑driven model clashes with NHS values. He called for a comprehensive review of which private firms receive public‑sector funding. Some NHS staff reported being placed in virtual Teams meetings with Palantir personnel who joined using NHS credentials, without any disclosure of their employer – a practice that further eroded trust. Under the NHSmail access policy, "independent sector organisations" delivering health and social‑care services nationally may use NHSmail. An unrestricted NHS.net account can reveal staff roles, locations, workplace details and even grant access to commercial "Blue Light" discounts. Palantir’s technology is already deployed by UK police forces and the Ministry of Defence, prompting critics to warn that its "drag‑and‑drop" interoperability could facilitate state overreach, including a potential British analogue of the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency. The firm’s founders include US businessman and former Trump supporter Peter Thiel and CEO Alex Karp, both known for advocating aggressive surveillance tools. Its UK arm is led by Louis Mosley, grandson of historic British fascist leader Oswald Mosley. An NHS spokesperson reiterated that all suppliers, including Palantir, operate strictly under NHS instruction, with data access governed by robust contractual confidentiality obligations.

The Iraqi armed group Kataib Hezbollah, which is backed by Iran, has announced that it will release Shelly Kittleson, a journalist from the United States. Kittleson was abducted in the Iraqi capital of Baghdad on March 31, prompting calls for her release from press freedom groups.The group said on Tuesday that Kittleson would be freed on the condition that she leave Iraq immediately. An anonymous Iraqi official confirmed her release to The Associated Press on Tuesday afternoon.Kittleson, a 49-year-old freelance reporter, had been kept in detention in Baghdad. Her release comes at a moment of heightened tension in Iraq, where Iran-backed groups have carried out attacks on US forces amid the US-Israel war on Iran.The decision to release Kittleson was reportedly made in response to 'the national stances of the outgoing prime minister' of Iraq, Mohammed Shia al-Sudani. Abu Mujahid al-Assaf, a security official with the group, warned that the 'exceptional gesture' would not be repeated again.The Associated Press reported that Kittleson was released in exchange for several imprisoned Kataib Hezbollah members, citing anonymous members of the militia. During her detention, publications Kittleson had worked for, including Al-Monitor, praised her for her commitment to covering conflicts in the Middle East.