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Marine archaeologists from Denmark’s Viking Ship Museum announced the discovery of the Dannebroge, the Danish flagship that was destroyed by Admiral Horatio Nelson during the Battle of Copenhagen in 1801. The wreck lies 15 metres (49 feet) below the surface of Copenhagen harbour, buried in thick silt that offers almost zero visibility.Divers working in the murky conditions described the operation as a “race against time” because the site will soon be covered by Lynetteholm, a massive housing development slated for completion by 2070. The excavation, which began late last year, targets the exact spot where historical records place the Dannebroge’s final moments.Among the artefacts recovered are two cannons, period uniforms, insignia, shoes, bottles, and a fragment of a sailor’s lower jaw – possibly belonging to one of the 19 crew members still unaccounted for. “When a cannonball hits a ship, the splinters are the real danger, like grenade debris,” explained marine archaeologist Morten Johansen, underscoring the brutal conditions aboard wooden warships.The 48‑metre (157‑foot) vessel was Nelson’s primary target. Intense cannon fire ripped through its upper deck, and incendiary shells ignited a devastating fire that eventually caused the ship to explode, producing a roar heard across Copenhagen.Experts confirmed the wreck’s identity through dendrochronological dating, which matched the wood’s tree‑ring pattern to the year the Dannebroge was built. The size and shape of the recovered timbers also correspond with contemporary ship plans.Historical context: the 1801 battle was part of Britain’s effort to force Denmark out of a northern alliance with Russia, Prussia and Sweden. After a fierce exchange, Nelson offered a truce, and a cease‑fire was negotiated with Denmark’s Crown Prince Frederik.Marine archaeologist Marie Jonsson described the challenging dive conditions: “Sometimes you can’t see anything; you have to feel your way and rely on your fingers rather than your eyes.” The site remains littered with cannonballs, posing additional hazards for divers navigating the silt‑filled waters.The find not only enriches Denmark’s national narrative—often depicted in paintings and literature—but also provides a rare, tangible link to a pivotal moment in European naval history, just as modern development threatens to erase the physical remnants of that past.

When asked before Arsenal’s win over Everton how the upcoming international break might affect his squad, Mikel Arteta stressed the club’s “good communication” with national team coaches and promised to make “the right decisions” after assessing each player’s condition. That cautious optimism was quickly shattered. Following the Carabao Cup final loss to Manchester City, a cascade of withdrawals began. William Saliba pulled out of France’s squad with a left‑ankle injury, and Jurriën Timber missed the Netherlands call‑up due to a lingering groin problem. Within 24 hours, Gabriel Magalhães (Brazil) and Leandro Trossard (Belgium) also withdrew, while Eberechi Eze was forced out of England duty because of a calf strain that kept him out of the cup final. Captain Martin Ødegaard, still recovering from a previous ankle‑ligament injury sustained on international duty, did not feature in the final and subsequently withdrew from Norway’s squad. Arsenal’s injury list continued to grow on Friday when Noni Maduke (England) and Piero Hincapié (Ecuador) limped out of their respective friendlies. Both are doubtful for the FA Cup clash with Southampton at St Mary’s, though the club hopes they may return sooner. Mid‑week, Martín Zubimendi became the eleventh Arsenal player to pull out of an international roster, citing pain in his left knee. The Spain midfielder has logged more Premier League minutes than any Arsenal player this season, edging out Declan Rice and Jurriën Timber. Despite the setbacks, Viktor Gyökeres showed full commitment to Sweden, scoring a hat‑trick in the play‑off against Ukraine and later netting the decisive goal against Poland. By contrast, Riccardo Calafiori returns to London after Italy’s 120‑minute defeat to Bosnia and Herzegovina, a match that highlighted Italy’s ongoing World Cup qualification woes. Arteta’s dilemma mirrors the challenges faced by Sir Alex Ferguson in the early 2000s, when the Manchester United legend famously limited his players’ international minutes. The modern Arsenal squad, arguably one of the deepest in Premier League history, now faces a delicate balancing act: preserving player fitness while competing on three fronts – the league, the FA Cup, and the Champions League quarter‑final against Sporting Lisbon next week in Portugal. With the club already having contested over 50 matches this season and potentially adding another 15 if they reach both cup finals, the psychological impact of another major‑trophy loss could be significant. Arteta will need his remaining fit players to step up and deliver, or risk seeing the season’s ambitions slip away.

The usual visual language of hospital dramas relies on sterile whites and bright fluorescents. ‘What I’m Here For’ discards that palette entirely, immersing the audience in a world of black costumes and shadow‑filled set pieces.This daring aesthetic is the result of a collaboration between Vanishing Point of Glasgow and Teater Katapult from Aarhus, Denmark. Designer Mai Katsume outfits nurses, doctors and patients in deep black, arranging them in stark rows that dominate an ominously dark stage.At the centre stands Lærke Schjærff Engelbrecht as Flora, a nurse forced onto an extra weekend shift because of chronic short‑staffing. Even the flickering strip lights beneath her feet are cloaked in darkness, a visual choice amplified by Simon Wilkinson’s austere lighting design that drains the scene of any residual warmth, turning a hectic night ward into a gothic horror tableau.Written by Josephine Eusebius and performed in a blend of Danish and English, the script follows a familiar premise—too many patients, too few staff—but pushes it to a psychological extreme. Flora cheerfully repeats the hospital‑as‑hotel mantra while confronting impossible choices, such as whether to prioritize a pleasant woman with a brain tumour in room 22 or a demanding lady with a heart condition in room 33.The tension is heightened by Mark Melville’s pulse‑driven soundtrack, a low‑frequency thrum that underscores Flora’s isolation. As in many of director Matthew Lenton’s productions, the protagonist is both integral to and alienated from the medical team, a duality made palpable by her physical separation from the other actors and their disembodied commentary.Throughout the performance, Flora remains downstage, engaging in dream‑like exchanges with colleagues whose looming presence becomes as oppressive as the life‑and‑death decisions she must make. The staging forces the audience to feel the weight of each moral dilemma, turning routine triage into an almost tactile nightmare.‘What I’m Here For’ runs at the Tron in Glasgow until 4 April and will tour to other venues until 18 April.

Israel’s parliament has approved a law that authorises the death penalty solely for Palestinians convicted in West Bank military courts for what the courts define as "terrorism" killings of Israelis. The measure was greeted with celebration by far‑right politicians, yet it has drawn swift rebuke from the United Nations human‑rights chief, who warned it could constitute a war crime, and from a broad coalition of international observers.Israeli rights organisations argue that the law is the latest manifestation of an apartheid‑style legal framework that systematically privileges Jewish citizens while imposing severe penalties on Palestinians. They contend that such legislation entrenches a system of codified discrimination that has evolved since the state’s founding.Under the new rule, military tribunals in the occupied West Bank – which exclusively try Palestinians – will, by default, impose the death sentence on anyone found guilty of an unlawful killing of Israelis classified as terrorism. In contrast, Israeli citizens charged with comparable offences in the same territory are tried in civilian courts, where the death penalty is not applied.Statistics underscore the disparity: conviction rates for Palestinians in military courts hover at an astonishing 99.74%, whereas Israelis tried for crimes committed in the West Bank have a conviction rate of roughly 3% between 2005 and 2024. These figures highlight the stark imbalance in judicial outcomes.Arab‑Israeli lawmaker Aida Touma‑Suleiman of the Hadash party expressed her dismay, leaving the parliamentary chamber after the vote and stating she anticipated “scenes of happiness” from far‑right figures but was “painful” to see the public echo the same sentiment.The law follows a series of statutes that critics say have progressively eroded Palestinian rights, including the 1950 Absentees’ Property Law, the 2003 Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law, and the 2018 Nation‑State Law, which enshrines Jewish supremacy in identity, settlement policy, and constitutional hierarchy while marginalising Arabic.Human‑rights advocate Yair Dvir of B’Tselem described Israel as an “apartheid regime,” noting that a “whole set of laws” differentiate between Jews and Palestinians and that the death‑penalty legislation is less an outlier than a logical extension of existing policies that deny Palestinians the right to life.Analysts argue that the dehumanisation of Palestinians has deepened to the point where capital punishment can be enacted with minimal dissent and even public celebration by parliamentarians.Physician‑rights activist Tirza Leibowitz of Physicians for Human Rights – Israel warned that the law exemplifies a broader pattern of violations, ranging from inhumane prison conditions to a legal system that often refuses to investigate crimes against Palestinians or actively shields abusive practices.She cited the unresolved deaths of more than 100 Palestinians in the West Bank since the October 2023 Gaza conflict, highlighting the case of 17‑year‑old Walid Ahmad, whose death by starvation in custody was ruled “undeterminable” by an Israeli judge, as evidence of the low value placed on Palestinian lives.Leibowitz also pointed to the recent dropping of charges against soldiers accused of sexual abuse at Sde Temain prison, noting that far‑right protesters, including lawmakers, rallied in support of the accused, further normalising systemic abuse.Touma‑Suleiman linked the new law to the 2018 Nation‑State legislation, recalling a confrontation with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in which he dismissed her criticism, insisting Israel remains “the Middle East’s only democracy.” She later observed that far‑right leader Itamar Ben‑Gvir has openly chanted “Death to Arabs,” rebranding it as “Death to terrorists,” thereby blurring the line between extremist rhetoric and state policy.Overall, the death‑penalty law is being portrayed by critics as a stark illustration of an entrenched apartheid system, raising serious questions about Israel’s adherence to international legal standards and the future of Palestinian rights under occupation.

President Donald Trump told allies that Tehran does not need to negotiate a settlement for the hostilities to cease, estimating the conflict could be over in two to three weeks. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, however, dismissed any hope of talks, stating that Tehran has zero trust in Washington.US‑Israeli air raids persist across Iran, hitting key industrial and civilian targets such as steel factories in Isfahan and Farokhshahr, pharmaceutical facilities, port infrastructure, meteorological stations and a residential complex. Iranian state media and the Red Crescent reported explosions in cities including Ahvaz, Shiraz, Isfahan, Karaj, Kermanshah and Bandar Abbas.An Iranian official said the Tofigh Daru pharmaceutical raw‑material plant in Tehran was struck, crippling its research and development wing and delivering a "blow to the national medical supply chain." In Bandar Abbas, the Shahid Haqqani passenger pier was bombed, though officials claimed no casualties.A desalination plant on Qeshm Island, crucial for water supply in the Strait of Hormuz, was knocked out of service by the strikes.Analyst Trita Parsi warned that the war is unlikely to end swiftly and that the Strait of Hormuz will remain closed, noting that it will not be easy for President Trump to simply walk away from the conflict.Casualties have surpassed 2,000 Iranians, with numerous civilian sites—including hospitals, schools, universities and pharmaceutical factories—targeted, raising concerns of potential war‑crime violations.On the diplomatic front, Spain, France and Italy have begun curbing U.S. military operations by closing airspace, denying base access and limiting logistical support. Meanwhile, China and Pakistan have tabled a five‑point cease‑fire proposal that calls for reopening the Strait of Hormuz.Regional leaders are also active: Qatar’s Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani and UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan have convened to discuss the Iran war, while Argentina, under President Javier Milei, officially labeled Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a “terrorist” organization.Pope Francis (Leo XIV) appealed directly to President Trump, urging an end to the violence and expressing hope that the U.S. leader is moving toward a resolution.In the Gulf, Iranian drones have repeatedly struck Kuwait’s airport, forcing the closure of its airspace since late February; Saudi Arabia has stepped in to provide transport for affected passengers. Bahrain sounded air‑raid sirens, and Saudi forces reported intercepting two additional drones.A merchant vessel north of Doha suffered damage from an "unknown projectile," though the crew remained unharmed and no environmental harm was recorded.U.S. officials remain divided: while Trump predicts a rapid end, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth warned that the United States is "negotiating with bombs" and that the coming days are decisive. The war’s uncertainty has pushed oil prices higher, prompting U.S. Senator Chris Coons to warn that American families face rising grocery, utility and mortgage costs.Israel continues to face coordinated attacks from Iran and Hezbollah, with missile and drone incursions reported across northern and central regions. Despite these threats, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu asserted that Iran’s regional allies no longer pose an "existential threat," yet Israel plans to maintain its offensive, including operations in Lebanon.In Lebanon, Israeli ground advances and heavy bombardments have resulted in over 1,200 deaths and displaced roughly 1.2 million people since early March. Iraqi militia Kata’ib Sayyid al‑Shuhada warned that any U.S. ground incursion into Iran via Kuwait could trigger an all‑out war.

Donald Trump announced over the weekend that he wants to "take the oil in Iran" by seizing control of Kharg Island, the strategic outpost through which roughly 90% of Iran’s oil exports flow. Experts say the remark underscores a blatant disregard for international law and exemplifies what they term “fossil‑fuel imperialism.” Patrick Bigger, co‑director of the Transition Security Project, described the approach as a "might‑makes‑right" logic that is both "abhorrent and spectacularly miscalculated." Trump is slated to give an update on the Iran‑U.S. conflict on Wednesday. He previously claimed the war could end within weeks, a statement that sent the stock market soaring on expectations of de‑escalation. Iran, however, has insisted it needs guarantees against future attacks before halting its counter‑offensive. The fighting continues, highlighted by an Iranian strike on a fully loaded crude tanker in Dubai and threats to "blow up and completely obliterate" Iran’s energy infrastructure if the Strait of Hormuz is not reopened promptly. Kharg Island, a five‑mile strip that handles the bulk of Iran’s oil shipments, along with its power plants and oil wells, has been singled out by Trump. He told the Financial Times that U.S. forces should take over the island and the oil stored there. "My favorite thing is to take the oil in Iran," Trump said, adding that critics in the United States are "stupid people." Amir Handjani, an energy lawyer at the Quincy Institute, warned that the statement "completely discredited" the war’s stated objectives and revealed a classic play for natural resources. Handjani noted that Trump’s desire to seize Iranian oil is not new; he voiced similar ambitions in a 1988 interview while promoting The Art of the Deal, saying he would "do a number on Kharg Island" if elected. The former president has also floated comparable ideas for Iraq, Syria and Venezuela, suggesting the United States could appropriate their oil to offset war costs or bolster strategic reserves. Handjani emphasized that international law provides no framework for waging war to capture sovereign nations' natural resources. From a military perspective, taking Kharg Island would be extremely challenging. Iranian missile defenses have rendered regional U.S. bases inoperable, meaning any assault would likely require a parachute insertion of Marines into heavy fire, with the risk of massive Iranian retaliation. Handjani warned that such retaliation could target oil export terminals across the Persian Gulf, potentially driving crude prices to $200‑$300 per barrel and destabilising the global economy. The conflict has already caused the largest-ever disruption to global energy supplies, killing thousands and sparking sharp fuel‑price shocks. While consumers bear the brunt, major fossil‑fuel companies are enjoying windfall profits. Bigger noted that higher oil prices benefit oil majors and are being used as a pretext to expand U.S. drilling, further entrenching reliance on carbon‑intensive fuels. According to Bigger, Trump’s rhetoric reveals a belief that "fossil fuels are a linchpin of his domestic industrial strategy," and that controlling oil equates to controlling global power. He argues that this mindset threatens the international order and hampers the transition to cleaner energy.

Palantir’s claim that opposition to its NHS contract is driven by ideology was rebuked by Chi Onwurah, the Labour MP who chairs Parliament’s science, innovation and technology select committee. Onwurah said it is appropriate for ministers to explore a break‑clause option in the deal, underscoring the seriousness of the concerns raised. Louis Mosley, Palantir’s UK executive vice‑chair, had urged the government not to succumb to “ideologically motivated campaigners” as officials weighed a way out of a £330 million contract to deliver the Federated Data Platform (FDP) for NHS England. Ministers have now asked for advice on triggering the contract’s break clause amid growing scrutiny of Palantir’s expanding role in the public sector. The FDP is an AI‑enabled platform designed to integrate disparate health information across the NHS. Palantir already holds contracts with the Ministry of Defence, several police forces and the UK’s financial watchdog, the FCA. Onwurah’s cross‑party committee is set to publish its report in the coming weeks, covering the digital reorganisation of government services and the role of AI after a series of hearings that included experts, NHS leaders and representatives from companies such as Palantir. She identified three core issues: the manner in which the contract was awarded, the handling of patient data and the resulting trust deficit within the NHS, and the involvement of Peter Mandelson through his firm Global Counsel. “These are not fringe ideological concerns,” Onwurah told the Guardian. “They relate to contract transparency, vendor lock‑in, value for money and data security – matters that should concern everyone pushing the NHS towards digital transformation.” She added that the NHS’s post‑COVID fatigue and austerity‑driven burnout make any additional trust‑related resentment a significant barrier to progress. Onwurah noted that Palantir secured the contract after providing services to the NHS at a nominal cost – a tactic often used by large tech firms to position themselves as the most attractive government supplier. “It is right for the government to explore all options, including breaking the contract, given ongoing concerns about FDP uptake while Palantir remains at the helm,” she said. Liberal Democrat MP Martin Wrigley, also on the committee, urged the government to commission a new consortium of UK‑based tech experts to build a home‑grown NHS platform. During a previous committee appearance, Mosley accused British doctors of placing “ideology over patient interest” after they challenged the data‑processing contract. Speaking to the Times, Mosley warned that removing Palantir could jeopardise patient care and stall solutions to the NHS’s biggest challenges, arguing that the campaign against the firm would do more harm than good.

BP's new chief executive, Meg O'Neill, has told staff that the oil giant is operating in a world of significant complexity, marked by geopolitical tensions, conflict, rapid technological change, and shifting global energy demand. In her first message to employees, O'Neill promised a clear direction and consistency after a tumultuous period for the 117-year-old fossil fuel company. This period has seen BP pivot away from a failing green strategy and experience leadership changes. O'Neill, BP's third CEO in under five years, takes the helm during a critical time, with the ongoing Iran war triggering the global industry's biggest supply shock. She emphasized the company's role in delivering energy safely, reliably, and efficiently. The company previously aimed to cut its oil production this decade, which put BP at a financial disadvantage compared to other large oil companies like Shell when wholesale prices surged after Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. O'Neill is expected to focus on making disciplined investments in new fossil fuel projects to revive BP's market value. This strategy comes as the Iran war has driven oil prices to near $118 a barrel and gas prices are at historic highs across Asia and Europe. BP's share price has reached an almost 16-year high amid the current geopolitical tensions. However, it saw a nearly 3.5% slump on Wednesday as Brent crude prices fell below $100 a barrel. In her memo, O'Neill expressed her excitement about BP's next chapter, highlighting the company's strength, remarkable people, and world-class assets. She emphasized BP's vital role in supplying energy to customers worldwide, underpinning economic growth and human development.

Just before sunset on Florida’s Space Coast, an estimated 400,000 people are expected to line the beaches and causeways to watch NASA’s Artemis II lift off at 6:24 p.m. ET, weather permitting. The launch will be the first crewed departure from low‑Earth orbit since the Apollo 17 mission in December 1972. Commander Reid Wiseman told reporters at the Kennedy Space Center that the nation and the world have been waiting “a long time” for this moment. The four‑person crew—Americans Christina Koch and Victor Glover, Canadian astronaut Jeremy Hansen, and Wiseman himself—have entered quarantine ahead of the flight. During the 10‑day test flight, which will not attempt a lunar landing, Koch and Glover will become the first woman and first person of color to travel into cislunar space, the region between Earth and the Moon. Hansen will be the first non‑American to do so. The Orion capsule is expected to travel more than 4,600 miles (7,400 km) beyond the Moon’s far side on day six, reaching a total distance of just under 253,000 miles from Earth—surpassing the Apollo 13 record of 248,655 miles set in 1970. Beyond the historic milestones, Artemis II serves as a critical stepping stone for NASA’s broader lunar ambitions. Administrator Jared Isaacman has outlined a $20 billion Moon base program slated for completion by the end of the decade, and the mission will capture high‑resolution images of the Moon’s south‑pole region—potential sites for future landings and the base. Technical preparations have addressed previous setbacks, including a resolved heat‑shield issue from Artemis I and a helium‑leak that delayed Artemis II’s rollout in February. NASA’s final weather briefing gave the launch an 80 % chance of favorable conditions, with a five‑night launch window available should a scrub be required. Inside the capsule, the crew will spend ten days in a confined space roughly the size of a small camper van, testing life‑support systems, radiation exposure, and microgravity effects. Wiseman noted the psychological challenges of close‑quarters living, saying, “By day six or seven we’ll all be thinking, ‘I need a little space,’ but we’re a good crew.” The launch has sparked a surge of tourism in Cape Canaveral and Cocoa Beach, with hotels filling quickly as spring‑breakers add the event to their itineraries. Despite schedule delays and cost overruns—NASA acknowledges the program is “billions of dollars over budget”—the agency remains confident that Artemis II will demonstrate the capabilities needed for the next crewed landing, scheduled for Artemis IV in 2028. As Wiseman summed up, “NASA was founded to tackle the near‑impossible. This mission is the next step in America’s return to the lunar environment, and when we get there, we intend to stay.”