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In Lebanon, Christian families who have been forced to leave their homes are gathering to celebrate Easter, underscoring the perseverance of displaced communities despite ongoing hardships.While the nation grapples with a protracted displacement crisis, these families have managed to organize modest religious observances, reflecting both cultural continuity and the deep personal significance of the holiday.Celebrating Easter under such conditions illustrates the determination of Lebanon's Christian diaspora to maintain traditions even when faced with uncertainty and limited resources.Humanitarian groups continue to monitor the situation, emphasizing the need for sustained support to ensure that displaced families can safely observe religious and cultural practices while seeking stable shelter.

Iran is experiencing the longest nationwide internet blackout ever recorded, according to the global monitoring group NetBlocks. Since the United States and Israel launched their war on Iran on February 28, connectivity has hovered at about 1% of pre‑war levels, effectively cutting the country off from the global web. The blackout follows a prior 20‑day shutdown in January, which coincided with deadly nationwide protests. Combined, these measures mean that Iranian civilians have spent close to two‑thirds of 2026 in digital darkness, relying only on a slow, state‑controlled intranet for basic services and state‑run news. NetBlocks highlighted that while regions such as Myanmar, Sudan, Kashmir and Tigray have endured longer intermittent outages, no other war has forced an entire nation offline to this extent. The monitor added that Iran is the first country to lose previously functional internet connectivity by reverting to a national network. Economic analysts warned that the January shutdown already caused the economy to lose tens of millions of dollars each day in direct damages, with far‑reaching indirect effects. Companies reported that many online businesses could not survive more than three weeks without connectivity, leading to a wave of layoffs and reduced pay raises. One affected worker, Kamran, a product designer in Karaj, said he was dismissed after the latest wave of cuts. He now relies on a local skill‑matching group, but fears competition from thousands of similarly displaced workers. A senior data analyst from a Tehran firm disclosed that the firm is offering lower-than‑expected raises and shifting to three‑month contracts, creating uncertainty about future employment. Compounding the digital crisis, the war has targeted Iran’s steel factories, petrochemical plants and other civilian infrastructure, aggravating pre‑existing problems of high inflation and unemployment. Only a limited segment of the population can access the global internet—either because they are whitelisted by the state or because they pay steep fees for proxy connections that often disappear after a few hours. Government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani stated that internet access is being granted only to those who can “get the voice out,” such as officials, state‑affiliated entities and news agencies. Citizens on the ground describe a grim reality: frequent power outages, uncertainty about water supplies, and an inability to use services like Google Search or AI tools, even as they watch live feeds from space missions that remain inaccessible. In response to the prolonged shutdown, authorities have begun rolling out a tiered system dubbed “Internet Pro.” Business groups have received a “guide to connect to international internet,” urging them to contact a state‑run messaging app, Bale, for registration. Parallel efforts by a major telecom carrier offer one‑year data packages at prices higher than normal plans, while existing providers have not refunded customers for services they cannot deliver. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration, which campaigned on unblocking Iran’s internet, has offered no official explanation for the shutdown, leaving both the battered digital sector and the broader economy facing an uncertain future.

Donald Trump’s demand that Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz has an immediate impact on U.S. gasoline prices, but analysts warn that a prolonged conflict will push energy costs higher across the globe, far beyond the fuel pump. Systemic increases in power prices and disrupted supply chains are set to compress margins for industries worldwide; in the United States, the effect could be especially damaging to the fragile economics of the AI boom. Oil‑importing nations in the Global South are already feeling the strain: Egypt has imposed curfews, Indonesia is trialling work‑from‑home Fridays, and the Philippines has declared a national energy emergency. While the United States, as a major oil exporter, can partially insulate itself, the country cannot escape the global rise in energy costs. Experts predict that price pressure will linger for months even if the strait reopens within days. Companies are revisiting cash‑flow forecasts, and the AI sector—characterised by energy‑intensive model training and debt‑laden expansion—faces a particularly acute risk. OpenAI chief Sam Altman attempted to downplay environmental concerns, likening the energy required to train an AI model to the cumulative food intake over a human’s 20‑year development. The Bank of England’s Financial Policy Committee warned that rising energy costs could depress AI share prices, noting that investors were already uneasy about the sector’s heavy reliance on debt financing and uncertain return prospects before the war began. "The conflict could increase these concerns, particularly given the energy‑intensive nature of the supply chain for key components and the operation of datacentres," the committee said. World Trade Organization chief economist Robert Staiger echoed this view, cautioning that a prolonged period of high energy prices could "crimp" AI investment. He highlighted that AI‑related goods accounted for 70% of U.S. investment growth in the first three‑quarters of last year. A forensic note from US law firm Quinn Emanuel revealed that the AI sector generated roughly $60 billion in revenue last year while committing $400 billion to capital expenditure. The financing structure mirrors the 2008 crisis, with off‑balance‑sheet special purpose vehicles and asset‑backed securities playing a central role. Leading "hyperscalers" and infrastructure providers such as CoreWeave are borrowing enormous sums to build out datacentres, although some analysts argue that many projects lag behind their lofty promises. Much of this borrowing comes from private‑credit lenders, making total liabilities opaque and challenging for regulators—an issue the Bank of England has repeatedly flagged. Complex financing arrangements see datacentres owned by special purpose vehicles, debt pooled and sold to pension funds, and other layered structures that obscure true exposure. Quinn Emanuel estimates that $120 billion of datacentre debt has been moved off‑balance sheets in the past two years. The firm warns that distress at any single node could cascade through the tightly interconnected AI ecosystem. Extended higher energy costs, combined with volatile interest rates and weaker consumer demand—both likely fallout from the Middle East war—could trigger that distress. The fundamental question remains: can the AI sector generate sufficient revenue to justify its sky‑high valuations? Even modest energy price hikes may force a market rethink, with potential spill‑over effects across U.S. markets and beyond. As the article concludes, the economic fallout may be yet another unintended consequence of Trump’s aggressive stance on Iran, unleashing forces beyond his control.

The US labor market demonstrated unexpected strength in March, with the unemployment rate dropping to 4.3% despite concerns over economic instability and the ongoing conflict with Iran. According to the US Bureau of Labour Statistics, non-farm payrolls grew by 178,000 jobs in March, rebounding from a downwardly revised loss of 133,000 jobs in February.The healthcare sector led the gains, adding 76,000 jobs in March, significantly higher than the 29,000 average monthly increase over the last year. This surge follows a large-scale nursing strike that ended on February 24, which had temporarily removed over 30,000 healthcare workers from payrolls.The construction sector also saw notable growth, with 26,000 jobs added in March. Additionally, the transportation and warehousing sector grew by 21,000 jobs over the previous month, although it has experienced an overall loss of 139,000 jobs since February 2025.In contrast, the federal government, the largest employer in the US, continued to shrink, cutting 18,000 federal employee positions in March. This marks a 355,000 job decline from the same period last year.The White House has praised the jobs report as evidence that President Trump's policies are stimulating the domestic economy. Kush Desai, White House deputy press secretary, stated that the March jobs report 'blew out expectations' with strong construction job growth and a surge in manufacturing job creation.However, experts warn that the impact of the US conflict with Iran, dubbed Operation Epic Fury, is not yet fully reflected in the job numbers. Economists at JPMorgan cautioned that negative payroll readings could become more common, and Angela Hanks, chief of policy programmes at The Century Foundation, noted that wage growth has stalled, and oil prices are skyrocketing, threatening to weaken the job market.The economic uncertainty is also affecting US consumers, with the University of Michigan's consumer sentiment survey dropping by 6% in March to its lowest level since December 2025. Furthermore, the average price for a gallon of petrol has increased to $4.09 ($1.08 per litre), up from $3.10 ($0.82 per litre) this time last month.

Even before the season began, the fixture list hinted that March would become a turning point for Newcastle United. A run to the Champions League quarter‑finals and a victory in the Tyne‑Wear derby could have silenced many critics, while a third Carabao Cup final would have forced the derby’s postponement. In the Champions League round‑of‑16, Newcastle appeared stronger at home against Barcelona, only to be undone by a late penalty. The away leg saw them threaten early on, but a second‑half collapse resulted in a 7‑2 defeat, widening the perceived gap between the sides. The derby itself illustrated the team’s frailties. Newcastle led at halftime and struck the post, yet they finished with the fifth‑worst second‑half record in the Premier League. Sunderland equalised through Brian Brobbey, fed by a simple Granit Xhaka pass, exploiting the space that Newcastle’s midfield surrendered late in the game. These setbacks have sparked serious speculation about manager Eddie Howe’s future. Chief executive David Hopkinson offered no clear endorsement, stating only that “we’ll talk about the future when it’s time,” a comment that many interpreted as a warning. Howe arrived in November 2021, a month after the Saudi‑led acquisition of the club, and quickly guided Newcastle into the modern era: two Champions League qualifications, a historic Carabao Cup triumph – the first domestic trophy in 70 years – and a generally steady league performance. Until last season, there was little talk of his dismissal. However, the current crisis is less about tactics than about recruitment. With no sporting director, Howe’s nephew Andy Howe and scout Steve Nickson oversaw most signings last summer, a structure that has drawn criticism. The sale of Alexander Isak to Liverpool was widely regarded as mishandled. The club allowed the protracted saga to dominate the window, missing an opportunity to maximise the fee and reinvest in squad depth, or to negotiate a swap that could have brought Hugo Ekitiké to Newcastle. Summer acquisitions have added little stability. While Sandro Tonali, Anthony Gordon and Tino Livramento are rumored to be on their way out, Yoane Wissa suffered an early injury and new signing Nick Woltemade arrived without a clear role. Of the incoming players, only Malick Thiaw has made a noticeable impact. Consequently, the squad lacks the depth required for simultaneous Champions League commitments, a Carabao Cup semi‑final run, and a fifth‑round FA Cup tie. The fatigue evident in many second‑half performances is therefore unsurprising. Underlying these on‑field issues are broader structural problems. Dan Ashworth’s departure for Manchester United left a void that successor Paul Mitchell could not fill; his exit after clashes with ownership – and reportedly with Howe over player conditioning – created a leadership vacuum. Ross Wilson, appointed sporting director in October with Howe’s blessing, now faces the daunting task of rebuilding a fragmented recruitment process. Financial pressures add another layer of complexity. The recent sale of the stadium to a club subsidiary, coupled with a looming UEFA fine for 2025, has strained resources. While the Champions League revenue and the Isak transfer may alleviate some of the strain, the shift to an “unanchored” squad‑cost ratio favours owners with deep pockets, leaving the club’s commitment from the Public Investment Fund uncertain amid broader Saudi retrenchment. Notably, discussions of a new stadium have been absent for almost a year. Hopkinson’s description of Newcastle as a “trading club” appears realistic, yet his remarks also hint at an upcoming exodus of players such as Tonali, Gordon and Livramento. Even if the broader economic climate softens, the likely absence of Champions League football next season could further limit Newcastle’s ability to attract top talent. Ultimately, the core issue is governance. While Howe’s tactical acumen may improve without the demands of European competition, the club’s ambition to become a modern, well‑structured organisation may require a change in leadership. His departure could be the catalyst needed for a comprehensive cultural and structural overhaul.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

Kieran Trippier, a key player for Newcastle United, has announced that he will be leaving the club when his contract expires this summer. This news comes as the Saudi-owned club prepares for a potential summer overhaul, with Eddie Howe's managerial position also uncertain.Trippier joined Newcastle from Atletico Madrid in January 2022 for £12m and has since made over 150 appearances for the team, scoring four goals. He played a crucial role in the team's Carabao Cup victory last May and helped Newcastle qualify for the Champions League twice.At 35, Trippier is no longer a guaranteed starter, but he remains a vital influence off the field. Emotional in his announcement, Trippier expressed his gratitude for the journey he's been on with Newcastle, stating, 'It’s emotional and I’m really going to miss it. It’s been an amazing journey.'Eddie Howe, Trippier's manager, praised his character and commitment, saying, 'While we’ll be saying goodbye to Kieran shortly, we also know we have a lot left to play for this season, and I know a player of Kieran’s character will be giving absolutely everything to end his time here on a high.'

The ongoing war in Iran has ignited a fresh oil supply shock, sending crude prices soaring and rippling through economies worldwide. Analysts note that the conflict’s persistence is tightening global oil flows, prompting immediate spikes in gasoline, diesel, and jet fuel costs. Energy traders report that the heightened uncertainty has amplified market volatility, with benchmark crude benchmarks climbing to levels not seen in months. The price surge is pressuring both consumers and businesses, as higher fuel costs translate into increased transportation expenses and broader inflationary pressures. Governments and central banks are now monitoring the situation closely, aware that sustained higher oil prices could erode economic growth and strain household budgets, especially in regions heavily dependent on imported energy. While the full economic impact remains to be quantified, the consensus among experts is clear: the prolonged Iran war is reshaping the global energy landscape, underscoring the fragility of supply chains and the need for diversified energy strategies.