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Telenor, majority-owned by the Norwegian government, entered Myanmar in 2013 with promises to connect isolated users. However, allegations suggest that the company provided data on over 1,200 customers to the military regime, aiding in the arrest and persecution of anti-coup activists.Aung Thu, an activist, claims that his data was released by Telenor in late September 2021, leading to his re-arrest and charge under counter-terrorism laws. A class-action lawsuit filed in Norway seeks €11m in compensation for 1,253 customers allegedly affected.Telenor's transparency reports reveal it complied with 96% of 153 data requests from authorities. The company's actions have raised concerns about its role in propping up the military junta and breaching trust with its customers.Norwegian politicians and human rights activists have called for accountability and greater transparency on the government's role in the matter. The incident has sparked debate about Norway's image as a defender of peace and human rights.

Mahdieh Esfandiari, an Iranian national who was detained in France for over a year, has returned to Iran following what officials describe as a reciprocal release of French citizens held in Tehran. The University of Lyon graduate, who worked as a translator in France since 2018, was arrested in February 2025 on accusations of “promoting terrorism” after posting online comments supporting Palestine and the 2023 Hamas attack on Israel. She was sentenced to one year in prison and released on bail in October, before being transferred back to Iran in mid‑April 2026. Speaking to Iran’s state television, Esfandiari condemned the French judicial process, stating, “There is no freedom of speech in France; the court’s ruling was very unjust.” Her release coincides with the recent freedom of two French nationals, Cécile Köhler (41) and Jacques Paris (72), who had been imprisoned in Iran for more than three years on espionage charges denied by their families. Köhler and Paris were arrested in May 2022, transferred to the French embassy in Tehran after their November 2025 release, and subsequently flown to Paris via Azerbaijan. French President Emmanuel Macron’s office credited a “long‑term effort” for their liberation, noting that recent diplomatic pressure linked to the US‑Israel conflict with Iran accelerated negotiations. While French authorities have not formally confirmed a swap, Iran’s state‑run IRNA agency reported that Tehran reached an agreement with Paris to exchange the French detainees for Esfandiari. The episode underscores the delicate balance of Iran‑France diplomatic ties and highlights how geopolitical tensions can influence individual human‑rights cases. Analysts suggest the exchange may set a precedent for future negotiations involving political prisoners, illustrating both the leverage of diplomatic channels and the ongoing challenges faced by activists and foreign nationals caught in broader geopolitical disputes.

Negotiations between Washington and Tehran are expected to resume in Islamabad within days, placing President Donald Trump under intense pressure to deliver an Iran accord that can be credibly billed as superior to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) brokered by former President Barack Obama. Two tests dominate the diplomatic calculus: the deal must demonstrably exceed the Obama agreement, and it must ensure that Iran derives no lasting strategic advantage, particularly over the vital Strait of Hormuz. While direct comparisons with the 159‑page JCPOA are imperfect—given the evolution of Iran’s nuclear program and the emergence of non‑nuclear concerns—the Trump team is framing its objectives around four pivotal issues. 1. Enrichment suspension: In Geneva on 26 February, the U.S. demanded a 10‑year freeze on all domestic uranium enrichment, a figure Iran’s foreign minister deemed unrealistic beyond three years. In Islamabad, the U.S. escalated the ask to a 20‑year suspension, yet Trump publicly dismissed even that, insisting on a permanent ban. The practical timeline for Iran to restart enrichment after the damage to its facilities remains uncertain. 2. Highly enriched uranium (HEU) stockpile: The original JCPOA capped uranium enrichment at 3.65% and limited the stockpile to 300 kg. Iran now holds 440.9 kg of 60%‑enriched uranium—a material that can be rapidly converted to weapons‑grade (90%)—mostly stored as UF₆ gas in scuba‑tank‑sized canisters. Tehran offered to down‑blend this stockpile to 3.67% in an irreversible process, mirroring the 2015 deal’s provisions. The U.S., however, is pressing for the entire stockpile to be removed from Iran under American supervision, a stance that raises questions about the relative merits of in‑country down‑blending versus export. 3. Sanctions relief: The JCPOA promised the release of roughly $100 billion in frozen Iranian assets and the lifting of oil trade restrictions, while retaining sanctions on terrorism, human rights, and missile proliferation. In the Geneva framework, over 80% of sanctions would be lifted, leaving only human‑rights‑related measures. Trump’s administration, wary of political backlash, seeks to attach conditions on how Iran can spend the relief, a demand Tehran rejects, insisting on a permanent, irreversible lifting of sanctions. 4. Non‑nuclear issues: Trump has repeatedly criticized the JCPOA for isolating Iran’s nuclear program from its broader regional behavior. The current negotiations must grapple with Iran’s ballistic‑missile program, support for proxy forces, and the strategic future of the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian officials are divided: one camp favors leveraging the strait for immediate revenue and national pride, while another views it as a diplomatic lever to secure a lasting ceasefire and security guarantees. The confluence of these challenges creates a “marshmallow test” for both sides—whether they can forgo short‑term temptations in favor of a durable, long‑term settlement. As the Trump presidency approaches its final year, the ability to craft a deal that convincingly outperforms the Obama era while addressing the expanded nuclear and geopolitical landscape will determine the legacy of U.S. policy on Iran and its impact on regional stability.

A three‑judge panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit issued a two‑to‑one decision on Tuesday that blocks District Judge James Boasberg from moving forward with contempt hearings against the Trump administration.The case stemmed from Boasberg’s attempt to determine whether officials violated his March 15, 2025 order to turn around two deportation flights while they were airborne. The flights had carried 137 Venezuelan nationals to El Salvador under the rarely used Alien Enemies Act, a 1798 statute granting presidents broad wartime powers.In the majority opinion, Judge Neomi Rao (a Trump appointee) wrote that Boasberg’s contempt inquiry was a “clear abuse of discretion,” noting that the district court’s order did not expressly forbid the transfer of the migrants into Salvadoran custody. She emphasized that criminal contempt applies only to violations of a “clear and specific” order.Judge Justin Walker, also appointed by Trump, joined Rao, while Judge J. Michelle Childs—a Biden appointee—dissented. The split reflects the broader partisan tension surrounding the case.Critics of the deportations argued that invoking the Alien Enemies Act represented presidential overreach and that the rapid operation denied the immigrants due process, including the ability to appeal. Some detainees were later released to Venezuela in a July 2025 prisoner exchange after spending months in El Salvador’s maximum‑security Centre for Terrorism Confinement (CECOT).Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche praised the ruling on X, stating it should “finally end Judge Boasberg’s year‑long campaign against the hardworking Department attorneys doing their jobs fighting illegal immigration.”The decision underscores the judiciary’s role in checking executive immigration actions, especially when emergency court orders intersect with national‑security‑related statutes. It also signals that future attempts to pursue contempt for alleged violations of ambiguous orders may face heightened scrutiny.

The arrest of Ahmed Shihab-Eldin, a Kuwaiti national and US-born journalist, has sparked fears about the erosion of free speech in Kuwait and the wider Middle East. Shihab-Eldin, who has worked for prominent outlets like PBS, HuffPost, and Al Jazeera English, was detained on March 3 during a visit to Kuwait. Shihab-Eldin's reporting focused on a friendly fire incident on March 2, where Kuwaiti air defenses shot down three US planes, fortunately without any pilot casualties. He published footage of a US F-15E Strike Eagle crashing in al Jahra, west of Kuwait City, and described local residents assisting the crew in a civilian truck. Campaigners worry that Shihab-Eldin might face charges under new security laws being introduced in Kuwait, possibly in a new security court. These laws have been criticized for restricting publicity about attacks on infrastructure and allowing the government to label certain reporting as terrorism. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) has expressed concern over Shihab-Eldin's detention, highlighting a broader trend of escalating censorship of journalists and news outlets across the world related to the Iran war. Sara Qudah, CPJ's Middle East regional director, stated, 'We are seeing escalating censorship of journalists and news outlets across the world in relation to the Iran war... He must be freed immediately.' Kuwait has recently passed laws that define terrorism broadly and propose significant fines and sentences for publishing statements that could weaken confidence in military entities. The country has also been using citizenship laws to expel alleged dissidents and has withdrawn visas for Iraqi citizens following protests. The detention of Shihab-Eldin and these new laws reflect a wider crackdown on dissent in Kuwait and the Gulf region. Critics argue that these measures are transforming Kuwait into a police state that suppresses dissenting opinions and imprisons those who express them.

A 20‑year‑old Texas man has been formally charged after surveillance footage captured him hurling a molotov cocktail at the San Francisco home of OpenAI CEO Sam Altman and attempting to ignite the AI firm’s headquarters.The FBI affidavit, filed in federal court on Monday, identifies the suspect as Daniel Moreno‑Gama. Police say he traveled from Texas to California, carrying multiple incendiary devices, kerosene and a lighter, before the arrest.Moreno‑Gama was also found with a self‑authored “anti‑AI” manifesto that prosecutors cite as evidence of motive. The document contained explicit threats toward Altman, prompting U.S. Attorney Craig Missakian to warn that, if the evidence shows an intent to influence public policy or coerce officials, the case will be pursued as domestic terrorism.He faces charges of attempted damage and destruction of property by means of explosives and possession of an unregistered firearm. Conviction could result in a mandatory minimum of five years, up to 20 years for the explosives count, and up to 10 years for the firearm charge.The incident adds to growing scrutiny of OpenAI’s role in national security, especially amid debate over a proposed U.S. government deal to deploy its artificial‑intelligence technology in classified military operations.Authorities recovered several incendiary devices at the scene, and court records indicate Moreno‑Gama told security personnel at the headquarters that he intended to burn the building and harm its occupants.

In a forceful statement released on Monday, a panel of 13 United Nations experts demanded that Israel halt all attacks on displaced Palestinians sheltering in Gaza and cease the accelerating forced‑displacement campaign in the occupied West Bank. Israeli air strikes in March set fire to tents housing Gaza’s internally displaced people, causing numerous fatalities, the experts noted, describing the tactic as part of a broader strategy to make life untenable for Palestinians. “This cycle of displacement, terror, and targeted attacks serves an ultimate purpose: to make life unbearable for Palestinians and permanently force them from their land,” the panel declared, underscoring the systematic nature of the violence. The experts warned that the targeting of makeshift shelters violates international humanitarian law and amounts to a grave breach, given that the majority of Gaza’s population has already endured multiple forced transfers. Beyond the immediate danger of bombardment, civilians living in tents face severe health threats—including hunger, exposure to freezing temperatures, flooding, and a lack of basic services. Women and children, the panel stressed, bear a disproportionate share of deprivation. Turning to the West Bank, the panel condemned what it described as a “sharp escalation in forced displacement” driven by the Israeli army and “state‑backed settler terrorism.” Daily attacks have resulted in killings, injuries, and the widespread destruction of homes, farmland, and livelihoods. According to a 2025 report from the UN Human Rights Office, more than 36,000 Palestinians have been forcibly displaced amid the expansion of illegal settlements, a figure the experts say illustrates a broader policy of ethnic cleansing across the occupied Palestinian territory. The panel urged Israel to end all forced‑displacement activities in the West Bank and to facilitate the safe return of those uprooted. It also called on the international community to uphold its legal obligations, launch independent investigations, and refrain from providing assistance that could enable the continuation of the occupation. The 13‑member panel includes UN special rapporteurs such as Francesca Albanese (occupied Palestinian territory), Paula Gaviria Betancur (rights of internally displaced persons), Michael Fakhri (right to food), and Reem Alsalem (violence against women and girls).

A French court has convicted cement giant Lafarge of financing terrorism through its Syrian subsidiary, fining the company €1.12 million ($1.32m) and confiscating €30 million ($35.1m) worth of its assets. The court also sentenced former CEO Bruno Lafont to six years in jail.The Paris court ruled that Lafarge had paid protection money directly to ISIL (ISIS) and other armed groups, breaching European sanctions to operate in northern Syria during the country's civil war in 2013-2014. The company paid a total of €5.59 million ($6.55m) to armed groups in Syria, including to ISIL and the al-Nusra Front.The court found that Lafarge's payments helped to strengthen groups that carried out deadly attacks in Syria and beyond. The company's former deputy managing director, Christian Herrault, was sentenced to five years in jail, while other former employees received fines and sentences ranging from one to seven years.The case marks the first time a company has been tried in France for financing terrorism. Lafarge, now part of Swiss building materials conglomerate Holcim, acknowledged paying nearly €13 million ($15.2m) to middlemen to keep its Syrian cement factory running during the war. The company claimed it bore no responsibility for the money winding up in the hands of armed groups.In a separate case in the United States, Lafarge admitted to paying $6m to ISIL and the al-Nusra Front to allow employees, customers, and suppliers to pass through checkpoints. The company paid $778m in forfeiture and fines as part of a plea agreement.

A French court has fined Lafarge, a French cement maker, more than €1m (£870,000) and sentenced its former boss, Bruno Lafont, to six years in prison for paying protection money to Islamic State and other terror groups to maintain its business in war-torn Syria from 2013 to 2014.The ruling follows a 2022 case in the United States in which Lafarge pleaded guilty to conspiring to provide material support to US-designated “terrorist” organisations and agreed to pay a $778m fine (£580m). This was the first time a company had faced the charge.The Paris court found that Lafarge, which is now part of the Swiss conglomerate Holcim, paid nearly €5.6m via its subsidiary Lafarge Cement Syria (LCS) to terror groups and intermediaries to keep its plant operating in northern Syria.The company’s former chief executive, Bruno Lafont, was sentenced to six years in prison for financing terrorism, which a judge ordered him to start serving immediately. Lafont’s lawyer said he would appeal.The presiding judge, Isabelle Prevost-Desprez, said: “This method of financing terrorist organisations, and primarily IS, was essential in enabling the terrorist organisation to gain control of Syria’s natural resources, allowing it to finance terrorist acts within the region and those planned abroad, particularly in Europe.”Lafarge established a “genuine commercial partnership with IS”, she said, which added to the “extreme gravity of the offences”.Lafarge had finished building a $680m factory in Jalabiya in 2010, just before Syria’s civil war erupted in March the following year amid opposition to the brutal repression of anti-government protests by the then president, Bashar al-Assad.While other multinational companies left Syria in 2012, Lafarge evacuated only its expatriate employees and left its Syrian staff in place until September 2014, when IS seized control of the factory.In 2013 and 2014, LCS paid intermediaries to access raw materials from the Islamic State organisation and other groups and to allow free movement for the company’s trucks and employees. It paid groups including Islamic State and Syria’s then al-Qaida affiliate Jabhat al-Nusra.