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Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi told Al Jazeera that Tehran has been exchanging messages with the United States, either directly or via regional partners, as the US‑Israel war on Iran continues. He emphasized that these contacts do not constitute formal negotiations. "I receive messages from US special envoy Steve Witkoff directly, as before, and this does not mean that we are in negotiations," Araghchi said. He added that all communications are routed through the Foreign Ministry or security agencies, and there is no truth to claims of active talks with any US party. Reflecting on past diplomatic experience, Araghchi recalled a previous agreement—referring to the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)—that the United States later abandoned. "We do not have any faith that negotiations with the US will yield results; the trust level is at zero," he asserted. President Masoud Pezeshkian echoed the skepticism, stating that the US "does not believe in diplomacy" after Iran was attacked twice during prior negotiations. In a phone call with European Council President Antonio Costa, Pezeshkian said Iran possesses the "necessary will" to end the war, but insists on guarantees to prevent further aggression. US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth countered, saying Washington aims to secure a deal that would end the conflict and reopen the Strait of Hormuz, yet remains prepared to "negotiate with bombs" if needed. Addressing the strategic waterway, Araghchi noted that the strait lies within Oman’s and Iran’s territorial waters and can be used strategically. "Only for the ships of those who are at war with us, this strait is closed. That is normal during war," he explained, adding that some nations avoid the route due to security concerns and high insurance costs, while others have negotiated access. He warned that any post‑war arrangement for the strait will be decided jointly by Oman and Iran, with the potential to transform it into a "peaceful waterway." Regarding rumors of a possible US ground operation, Araghchi said Tehran is unafraid: "We are waiting for them. I don’t think they’d dare to do such a thing. There will be a lot of strength waiting for them." He affirmed Iran’s readiness to repel any ground attack. The foreign minister clarified that Iran has neither responded to nor submitted any counter‑proposals to the US 15‑point plan aimed at ending the war. The proposal, according to earlier reports, calls for Iran to renounce the acquisition of nuclear weapons and to limit its missile stockpile in range and quantity. Araghchi concluded that Iran will only accept an end to all attacks in the region, not merely a ceasefire, underscoring the country's firm stance amid ongoing hostilities.

Three Indonesian peacekeepers have been killed in Israeli attacks in Lebanon, according to reports from Al Jazeera. The incident has sparked international concern and condemnation.The peacekeepers were part of a UN peacekeeping mission aimed at maintaining stability in the region. Their deaths underscore the risks faced by peacekeepers in conflict zones.The incident has strained relations between Indonesia and Israel, with Indonesia condemning the attacks. The international community is urging restraint and a return to peace negotiations.

The Israeli military has confirmed that four soldiers were killed in combat in southern Lebanon, where its forces are engaged in clashes with Hezbollah fighters following a ground invasion.In a statement, the army named three soldiers from the same battalion who 'fell during combat'. A separate statement confirmed another soldier's death in the same incident, with two others wounded.This brings the total number of Israeli soldiers reported killed since fighting began on March 2 to ten, following a US-Israeli joint attack on Iran. The Lebanese Ministry of Public Health reports that over 1,200 people have been killed in Israeli attacks on Lebanon, with more than a million displaced.The escalation comes after the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) reported that two peacekeepers were killed in an explosion near the southern Lebanese village of Bani Haiyyan. Another peacekeeper was killed by a projectile on Sunday.Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has ordered the military to expand its invasion in southern Lebanon, aiming to extend a 'buffer zone' to the Litani River. Israel's far-right ministers have urged Netanyahu to annex southern Lebanon, as the military destroys infrastructure to isolate the area.Al Jazeera's Lebanon correspondent, Zeina Khodr, reported that Monday night marked a new escalation as Israel opened a new front in Lebanon's Bekaa Valley, targeting strategic supply lines for Hezbollah. Khodr noted that Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem acknowledged the imbalance of power but vowed to make the war 'costly' for Israel.The conflict in Lebanon is part of the ongoing US-Israel war on Iran, which has resulted in over 1,340 deaths since February 28. Netanyahu has reportedly told US officials that any future agreement between the US and Tehran will not stop Israel's actions in Lebanon.

Ethiopian women's rights activists are facing a rising tide of digital violence, including online threats, doxing, and deepfake abuse, forcing some to flee the country. Yordanos Bezabih, an Ethiopian women's rights activist, had faced online threats for years, including acid attacks, gang-rape, and death. However, in 2025, the threats became more menacing, with an anonymous Telegram group organizing an effort to track down her location.The group shared deepfakes of her – nude images and videos. A stranger started filming her in the streets, calling her by her social media handle. Thieves broke into her house and stole her laptop. Soon after, her Telegram account was hacked, and her private photos and messages were circulated on social media. The perpetrators later circulated her address, demanding she be found and “executed”.In August, Bezabih left Ethiopia on a fellowship for human rights defenders. She has not returned since; it is too dangerous. “I have been forced to remain outside the country in order to protect my safety and continue my work,” she says.Bezabih is one of a small but growing number of feminists and women’s rights defenders who have left Ethiopia over the past two years, as online violence has become all-pervasive and uncontrolled. Three years after Facebook was accused of allowing hate speech to spread unchecked in Ethiopia, amid genocidal violence against ethnic Tigrayans during the civil war – claims rejected by Meta – social media inciters in Ethiopia have found a new target: women online.Research by the Centre for Information Resilience (CIR) bears out the scale of online gendered abuse in Ethiopia. Its 2024 report, Silence, Shamed and Threatened, found that technology-facilitated gender-based violence (TFGBV) has become “normalized to the point of invisibility” and is a daily occurrence with severe offline impacts, including psychological harm, physical assault, and arrests.Activists say the government and social media platforms are not doing enough to protect them. “I don’t think the government is much concerned about online harassment. It is barely a government agenda,” says Befekadu Hailu, an Ethiopian civil society leader and former director of Ethiopia’s Centre for the Advancement of Rights and Democracy.Bezabih says the online platforms that enable the violence also do little about it. “Even though they claim to have all these community guidelines, tech platforms never respond to reports, claims or even appeals.”

In a recent editorial, the Guardian highlighted the danger of Israel applying the same brutal tactics used in Gaza to Lebanon, and Medical Aid for Palestinians echoes that warning.Field reports from Lebanon describe a climate of terror fueled by mass forced‑displacement orders and relentless military strikes, including assaults on healthcare workers. Aid groups are scrambling to assist Palestinian refugees who have fled their homes, while many others remain trapped, deepening panic in already overcrowded camps plagued by poverty and scarce services.The Israeli military appears to be mirroring Gaza’s playbook: terrorising civilians, imposing forced displacement, and targeting humanitarian and medical infrastructure. Despite a declared cease‑fire in Gaza, Israeli attacks have killed more than 690 Palestinians since October, and restrictions on aid are creating lethal shortages of medicines and equipment.Meanwhile, the West Bank endures escalating settler violence and an Israeli annexation agenda that now threatens to extend into Lebanon, further destabilising the region.Medical Aid for Palestinians stresses that impunity for attacks on civilians and health services endangers both the populations they serve and the organisation’s staff across Gaza, the occupied West Bank and Lebanon.According to the statement, the UK government must not cherry‑pick when to uphold international law. It calls for decisive action to hold all perpetrators accountable, warning that inaction will lead to catastrophic human costs. The world, it asserts, cannot allow the horrors witnessed in Gaza to be replayed in Lebanon, and governments should not become complicit allies of such atrocities.

The United States and Israel have launched a war against Iran that many observers label a monumental breach of international law, echoing the illegal aggression that began with Israel’s campaign in Gaza.According to recent reports, the Pentagon is ready to commit thousands of ground troops to the region, signaling a potential escalation that could last for weeks.Analysts warn that the conflict is poorly planned, especially given Iran’s capacity to disrupt shipping through the strategic Strait of Hormuz. The resulting choke‑choke on energy and essential commodities is already pushing the global economy toward a precarious edge, with Asian and African nations bearing the brunt of the fallout.History offers a stark warning. In 2003, the United States invaded Iraq on the premise of a swift campaign, a promise later proved hollow. The war extended for nearly nine years, costing $1.92 trillion in U.S. taxpayer money, claiming over 4,500 American lives, and contributing to more than half a million Iraqi deaths by 2006.Back then, the coalition assembled roughly 250,000 troops—including 150,000 from the United States and 46,000 from the United Kingdom—to invade a country far smaller than Iran. Today, the U.S. maintains about 50,000 troops in the Middle East, a modest increase of 10,000 over its usual presence, yet the objectives being discussed—occupying Iranian territory, seizing uranium stockpiles, and controlling key islands—appear overly ambitious.Israel’s role is also intensifying. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced an expansion of Israel’s security buffer in southern Lebanon, a region Israel occupied from 1982 to 2000. Since the 2024 cease‑fire with Hezbollah, Israel has reportedly violated the agreement around 10,000 times in its first year, suggesting that a weakened Iran could serve as a strategic boon for Israeli ambitions in Lebanon.For the United States, the war risks becoming a “Venezuela‑style” takeover that is far more complex than anticipated. As the conflict drags on and the prospect of U.S. ground combat looms, public support—already low—could erode further, potentially jeopardizing the political standing of President Trump ahead of the mid‑term elections.Critics argue that repeating the Iraq‑war playbook may not only fail to achieve its stated goals but could also hand strategic advantage to rival powers such as Russia or China, reshaping the balance of power in the Middle East.

The destruction of a US E-3 Sentry airborne warning and control system (AWACS) aircraft in an Iranian strike on a Saudi Arabian airbase has raised significant questions about how a critical surveillance asset was left unprotected and how Iran managed to launch such a precise direct strike.The plane was one of only 16 operational E-3s, which first entered production in the 1960s and carry sophisticated monitoring equipment allowing them to detect airborne threats such as missiles while surveilling assigned battle spaces including communications, troop movements, and air defense sites.The attack that destroyed the aircraft on March 27, while it was parked at Prince Sultan airbase, demonstrated Iran's continuing ability to strike high-value targets in the region despite a month of US and Israeli air raids.Images from the scene show a direct strike on the E-3's radar dome near the tail, suggesting a high degree of accuracy in the attack. The strike also injured US servicemen and damaged several in-flight refuelling aircraft.Ukraine's president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, stated that Ukrainian intelligence had information indicating a Russian spy satellite photographed the base three times before the attack—on March 20, 23, and 25. Zelenskyy explained that multiple satellite images typically indicate preparation for an imminent attack.Zelenskyy's comments follow reports that Moscow was providing intelligence to Iran on the location of US forces in the Middle East, a claim denied by Russia's foreign minister, Sergei Lavrov.The destroyed E-3 was one of six such aircraft deployed to the Saudi Arabian base. These aging aircraft have long suffered from maintenance issues, with the US Air Force's E-3s reportedly having a mission-capable rate of only about 56% in 2024.The E-3 can track up to 600 targets simultaneously over a large area, acting as the eyes and ears for fighter pilots. The loss of this particular E-3 is considered incredibly problematic, as these aircraft serve as crucial battle managers for airspace deconfliction, aircraft coordination, targeting, and providing other lethal effects needed for battlefield operations.While US and Israeli commanders have claimed a decrease in Iran's missile capabilities, experts had anticipated a reduction in Tehran's launch intensity as it conserves military resources. Some analysts suggest Iran may be targeting key enablers of US airpower as part of a deliberate campaign following initial successes by the US and Israel in controlling Iranian airspace.

Islamabad became the focal point of a new diplomatic track when the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Egypt arrived this weekend, joining Pakistan’s Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar. The quartet pledged to channel U.S. and Iranian confidence in Pakistan’s ability to host direct talks aimed at a comprehensive settlement. At the close of the meeting, Dar announced the creation of a Committee of Four—senior officials from each foreign ministry tasked with ironing out the procedural details of the peace process. The gathering marks the evolution of a broader Arab‑Islamic consultative effort that began in Riyadh on March 19 into a focused four‑nation push, with Pakistan positioned as the primary conduit between Washington and Tehran. In a candid interview with the Financial Times, U.S. President Donald Trump declared his “favourite thing is to take the oil in Iran,” hinting at a possible seizure of Kharg Island, which handles roughly 90 % of Iran’s crude exports. He reiterated an April 6 deadline for Tehran to accept a deal or face U.S. strikes on its energy infrastructure, yet on Air Force One he added, “I do see a deal in Iran, yeah. Could be soon,” describing the negotiations as “extremely well” progressing. Analysts stress that these mixed signals underscore the central tension confronting Pakistan’s initiative. While Islamabad and its partners are building a multilateral framework to curb escalation, Israeli strikes continue and the U.S. military presence in the region expands. Key diplomatic insights came from former Pakistani officials. Former information minister Mushahid Hussain Sayed highlighted the meeting as the first institutional Muslim‑world effort to open a dialogue pathway, noting that Pakistan and Turkey are among the most credible interlocutors—one a nuclear power, the other a NATO member. He cautioned, however, that the steps are “baby steps” in a war that is rapidly complicating. Former ambassador Masood Khan described the Committee of Four as a structured back‑channel enabling a “step‑by‑step, layered, and calibrated process.” He outlined four potential stages: trust‑building measures, cease‑fire negotiations, direct talks on the nuclear programme and the Strait of Hormuz, and finally reciprocal commitments. Khan warned that Iran’s demands for war reparations and sovereignty over the Strait could prove the toughest hurdles. High‑level outreach extended beyond the region. Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif held a 90‑minute call with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, while China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi pledged full backing for the initiative. A senior Pakistani diplomat confirmed Dar’s planned visit to China on March 31, underscoring the strategic weight of the Pakistan‑China relationship. On the economic front, Iran’s agreement to allow 20 Pakistani‑flagged vessels through the Strait of Hormuz represents the most immediate confidence‑building measure. The strait remains effectively closed to regular shipping, prompting the International Energy Agency to label the disruption as the “worst oil shock in history,” surpassing the crises of 1973 and 1979. Brent crude surged above $116 per barrel, up more than 50 % since the war began on February 28, while WTO Director‑General Ngozi Okonjo‑Iweala warned of the “worst trade disruptions in the past 80 years.” Nevertheless, experts argue that the Strait should not become the centerpiece of any settlement. The long‑term resolution will likely involve all eight littoral states under UNCLOS and established legal precedents, with the immediate priority being a broader halt to hostilities. Military dynamics remain volatile. U.S. Central Command reported that an amphibious task force of roughly 3,500 Marines and sailors aboard the USS Tripoli arrived in the region, with an additional 2,200 Marines and 2,000 soldiers from the 82nd Airborne Division slated to deploy. Trump affirmed that military options are still on the table, and reports suggest the Pentagon is preparing for potential ground operations. Iran’s leadership remains skeptical. A spokesperson for Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs described the U.S. 15‑point plan—calling for a one‑month cease‑fire, handover of highly enriched uranium, a halt to enrichment, missile curbs, and an end to proxy support—as “unrealistic, illogical and excessive.” Tehran’s counter‑proposal, aired on Press TV, demands a halt to aggression, concrete guarantees against recurrence, reparations, and formal recognition of Iranian sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz. Analysts such as Reza Khanzadeh of George Mason University argue that the burden of compromise falls on Washington, noting that Iran will not sacrifice regime survival. Meanwhile, former diplomat Masood Khan identified the most decisive confidence‑building measure as a U.S. commitment to halt Israeli attacks on Iran and Lebanon—a step he admits is “easier said than done.” In sum, Pakistan’s diplomatic corridor offers a glimmer of hope, but deep mistrust, divergent demands, and an accelerating military buildup render the path to a lasting settlement precarious.

Israeli settlers have set fire to several vehicles in a town near Hebron in the West Bank, according to reports. The incident has raised concerns about the potential for escalating violence in the region.The town, located in a sensitive area, has been a focal point for tensions between Israeli settlers and Palestinian residents. The cause of the attack is not specified, but it has contributed to an already volatile atmosphere.Authorities and local residents are likely to investigate the incident and assess the damage. The event may impact regional stability and could influence relations between Israel and Palestine.