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Match details: Atletico Madrid will meet Barcelona on Tuesday at 21:00 CET (19:00 GMT) in the Metropolitano Stadium for the Champions League quarter‑final second leg. The fixture decides which side advances to the semi‑finals. After a 2‑0 first‑leg triumph at Camp Nou, Atletico enter the tie as favourites despite trailing Barcelona in the La Liga table. Their advantage stems from goals by Julian Alvarez and Alexander Sörloth, who capitalised on a red card for Barcelona defender Pau Cubarsi. Barcelona, the reigning Spanish champions, are desperate to overturn the deficit. They bolstered their domestic campaign with a 4‑1 win over Espanyol, extending their lead over Real Madrid to nine points. Ferran Torres netted a brace, assisted by teenage prodigy Lamine Yamal, while Marcus Rashford added the fourth. Atletico’s weekend league performance was less convincing, suffering a 2‑1 loss to Sevilla after heavy rotation by Diego Simeone. The loss left them fourth in La Liga with 57 points, four behind Villarreal. Historical context: The two clubs have met 251 times, with Barcelona winning 115 matches, Atletico 79 and 57 draws. Their recent knockout encounters include Atletico’s victories in the 2014 and 2016 quarter‑finals, both decided over two legs. Team news: Atletico will miss Marc Pubill (suspension) and have Jose Giménez, Pablo Barrios and David Hancko listed as doubtful. Barcelona’s defender Pau Cubarsi is suspended, replaced by Ronald Araujo. Injuries rule out Marc Bernal, Raphinha and Andreas Christensen. Predicted line‑ups: Atletico – Musso; Molina, Le Normand, Lenglet, Ruggeri; Llorente, Koke; Simeone, Griezmann, Lookman; Alvarez.Barcelona – Joan Garcia; Koundé, Araujo, Martín, Cancelo; Eric Garcia, Pedri; Yamal, Fermin, Rashford; Lewandowski. Managerial insights: Simeone stressed the need to stay focused on the objective of advancing, while Barcelona coach Hansi Flick highlighted the quality of his squad and the importance of collective effort. With a slim margin separating the sides, the second leg promises a tactical battle that could see either club secure a coveted place in the Champions League semi‑finals.

Islamabad transformed into a security zone on Saturday as the city imposed a lockdown, sealing roads, establishing checkpoints, and deploying over 10,000 security personnel ahead of the anticipated US‑Iran ceasefire talks. The Iranian delegation arrived quietly late on Friday night, traveling through Balochistan before a Pakistani Air Force aircraft switched off its call sign. By the next afternoon, the American team touched down at Nur Khan Air Base, a site India once claimed was damaged during last year’s brief conflict. On the tarmac, three distinctive tail fins—one American, two Iranian—caught the eye, a subtle reminder of the region’s reliance on symbolism. Both delegations were escorted along pre‑cleared routes to the Serena Hotel, which had been emptied and secured days earlier, turning the former luxury venue into a tightly controlled diplomatic arena. This marked the first direct, high‑level engagement between post‑revolution Iran and the United States on foreign soil. Clashing worldviews in the negotiation room Inside, the talks juxtaposed an American “peace through strength” stance with Iran’s “resistance with dignity” perspective. Pakistani Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif warned the night before that the meeting was a make‑or‑break moment for lasting peace. Iran’s chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, set pre‑conditions: any dialogue required progress on a Lebanon ceasefire—where Israel’s campaign has killed over 2,000 people—and the unfreezing of Iranian assets held abroad, which have crippled Tehran’s economy. Within hours of arrival, bilateral side‑talks began, offering a tentative thaw for Pakistani officials facilitating the process. Although previous rounds in Muscat, Vienna, Geneva and Abu Dhabi suffered from deep mistrust, this was the first occasion that the United States’ vice‑president JD Vance and Iran’s parliamentary speaker Ghalibaf faced each other face‑to‑face. Pakistan’s strategic mediating role Pakistan leveraged its unique position—close ties to Gulf states, a shared border with Iran, proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, and a strategic partnership with China—while not hosting US military bases. This allowed Islamabad to engage all parties without overt alignment. The marathon 21‑hour session Officials described the talks as continuous yet uneven. The first session lasted under two hours, followed by a brief procedural pause during which dinner was served but informal discussions continued. Subsequent rounds involved multiple draft exchanges and rapid redrawing of red lines, with constant communication to Washington—including President Donald Trump—and Tehran. Pakistani leaders, including Prime Minister Sharif, Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar, and Army Chief Asim Munir, worked around the clock, aiming not for a final pact but for a framework to prevent further escalation. Why the talks stalled As the session entered its final phase, the United States signaled an abrupt end. JD Vance summed up the outcome: “We had substantive discussions, but no agreement.” He emphasized the US demand for an affirmative, long‑term commitment from Iran not to pursue nuclear weapons, describing Washington’s proposal as its “final and best offer.” Iran’s ambassador in Islamabad framed the meeting as “not an event, but a process,” claiming it laid groundwork for future dialogue, while state‑affiliated outlets criticized the US stance as overly demanding. A senior Iranian foreign‑ministry spokesperson noted that, for Tehran, diplomacy is a continuation of its broader struggle, and any progress hinges on the other side’s “seriousness and good faith.” Pakistan’s cautious post‑talk posture Finance Minister Dar thanked both sides and pledged continued facilitation, avoiding any claim of victory or admission of failure. Behind the scenes, officials acknowledged pressure from multiple fronts—including Israel, whose prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu is perceived by some sources as a major obstacle to peace. Aftermath in Islamabad The city did not immediately revert to normal; security checkpoints and traffic diversions persisted, and the Serena Hotel remained under tight control. Journalists reported a disciplined environment with limited leaks, suggesting a deliberate effort to contain information. As the delegations departed, the door on diplomatic engagement remained open, albeit without a concrete agreement. The talks, though inconclusive, demonstrated that high‑level US‑Iran dialogue is possible under Pakistan’s mediation, preserving a channel that could prove pivotal in future regional negotiations.

The United Kingdom's decision to ban Israelis from attending the Royal College of Defence Studies (RCDS) over Israel's actions in Gaza has sparked concern within the college about its reputation. The Ministry of Defence (MOD) announced the ban in September after Israel planned a major ground assault on Gaza City.The British government made the decision amid widespread condemnation of Israel's escalation of the war. Previously unreported correspondence shows that the move prompted discussion within the RCDS about potential harm to its reputation as an institution that welcomes students of all backgrounds.RCDS commandant George Norton asked a senior military official, Tom Copinger-Symes, for help in shaping the public narrative while a government minister was preparing to answer a question about the ban in the UK's upper house of parliament. Norton sought to ensure that the public understood the college played no role in the decision.In an email, Norton told Copinger-Symes that it would be important for the government minister to highlight that the college does not invite or select participants in its courses, and that invitations were a government-to-government matter. He emphasized that the college's reputation as a welcoming institution could be harmed by the perception that it was deciding which countries to invite or not.The emails, obtained by Al Jazeera via a Freedom of Information request, reveal the college's efforts to distance itself from the government's decision. The MOD spokesperson stated that decisions about military education and training are made on a case-by-case basis and following robust assessment of benefits and risks.The UK-Israel relationship has been strained due to Israel's actions in Gaza, where over 72,000 Palestinians have been killed since Israel launched its military operation. The RCDS did not respond to a request for comment.

Peter Magyar, once a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has shattered the latter’s 16‑year grip on power after his Tisza Party won a landslide victory in Sunday’s parliamentary election. With 97.35% of precincts counted, the centre‑right Tisza Party secured 138 of the 199 parliamentary seats and 53.6% of the popular vote. By contrast, Orban’s Christian‑nationalist Fidesz obtained 55 seats with 37.8% of the vote, according to official tallies. Addressing a crowd of tens of thousands along the Danube in Budapest, the 45‑year‑old victor declared, “Tonight, truth prevailed over lies,” adding that Hungarians had chosen to ask what they could do for their homeland rather than the reverse. Who is Peter Magyar? Born in Budapest in March 1981 to a family of lawyers, he is the great‑nephew of former President Ferenc Madl (2000‑2005). After earning a law degree from Pázmány Péter Catholic University in 2004, Magyar began a career in corporate law and joined Orban’s Fidesz while the party was still in opposition. He later served as a legal aide to Fidesz during the 2006 anti‑government protests, married future justice minister Judit Varga (they have three children), and held several senior posts after Fidesz returned to power in 2010, including a stint at Hungary’s Permanent Representation to the EU in Brussels and a board seat at state‑owned road operator Magyar Közút ZRT. Why did he break with Orban? A 2024 scandal involving a presidential pardon for a man linked to a children’s‑home abuse cover‑up implicated Varga, then justice minister, prompting public outrage and Novak’s resignation. Magyar seized the moment, publishing a Facebook post accusing the government of corruption and releasing a recording of a conversation with his ex‑wife that suggested interference in a corruption case. Policy analyst Gábor Győri of Policy Solutions described Magyar’s departure as a “gradual estrangement” that accelerated after Varga’s fall from power. The exposure boosted Magyar’s domestic popularity, positioning him as a fresh opposition figure amid widespread voter fatigue with Fidesz. In April 2024, Magyar joined the centre‑right Tisza Party, won a seat in the European Parliament, and now stands poised to become Hungary’s next prime minister. Political analyst Zsuzsanna Vegh (German Marshall Fund) noted that Magyar’s win “dispels the myth that Orban cannot be defeated,” emphasizing his ability to unite a diverse electorate through a moderate, policy‑focused campaign rather than a radical right‑wing challenge. Scandals surrounding Magyar have also surfaced. His former wife Varga accused him of domestic violence and of using a secret recording for political gain. Earlier in 2026, Magyar faced allegations of a sex‑related scandal and drug use after compromising photos emerged; he denied drug use, describing the episode as a “honey‑trap” orchestrated by a “classic Russia‑style compromising situation.” He further claimed that Fidesz targeted him personally to undermine his campaign. On policy, Magyar pledges to revive Hungary’s stagnant economy, reduce dependence on Russian energy by 2035, and restore pragmatic relations with both the EU and Moscow. He aims to unlock EU funds frozen over alleged rule‑of‑law breaches and has previously expressed caution about accelerating Ukraine’s EU accession. Observers caution that while Magyar’s election fuels hope among young Hungarians, the real test will be translating opposition momentum into effective governance. As Izabella Nagy, a Budapest professional, observes, “Rebuilding a democracy is far more gruelling than dismantling one,” underscoring the challenges ahead for the new administration.

The United States military confirmed that, beginning at 10 a.m. Eastern Time (14:00 GMT) on April 13, all maritime traffic entering or leaving Iranian ports will be blocked. The directive, issued by U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM), targets vessels of every nation operating in the Gulf and the Gulf of Oman, but explicitly excludes ships merely transiting the Strait of Hormuz to non‑Iranian ports, marking a narrower scope than former President Donald Trump’s broader strait‑wide threat. This decisive action follows the abrupt end of marathon peace talks in Islamabad, where negotiators failed to secure a memorandum of understanding with Tehran. The stalemate has revived fears of renewed hostilities, prompting the U.S. to leverage maritime pressure as a bargaining chip. Financial markets reacted sharply: U.S. crude oil prices surged 8 % to $104.24 per barrel, while the benchmark Brent crude rose 7 % to $102.29. The spikes reflect investor anxiety over potential disruptions to the flow of oil and liquefied natural gas that currently passes through the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint responsible for roughly one‑fifth of global energy shipments. Since the February 28 launch of a joint U.S.–Israel operation against Iran, the strait’s traffic has dwindled to a trickle. Iran continues to navigate its own vessels and has allowed limited passage for foreign ships, while discussing a post‑conflict toll system for the waterway. In response to the blockade threat, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps warned that any U.S. warship attempting to enforce the measure would breach the existing U.S.–Iran ceasefire—set to expire on April 22—and would be "dealt with severely." Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi blamed the United States for the diplomatic failure, accusing U.S. negotiators of "shifting the goalposts" when a deal was "just inches away." Academic commentary echoed regional concerns. Zohreh Kharazmi, an associate professor at the University of Tehran, asserted that the United States "is not in a position to dictate" Iranian maritime movements and warned that a prolonged standoff would quickly reveal which side—"the resilience of the Islamic Republic or the resilience of global markets"—would suffer first. While the blockade targets Iranian ports, CENTCOM emphasized that it will not impede freedom of navigation for vessels merely passing through the Strait of Hormuz, a subtle but significant concession aimed at avoiding a full‑scale maritime confrontation.

Pope Leo XIV arrived in Algeria on Monday, inaugurating the first papal visit to the country and the opening leg of an ambitious 11‑day African tour that includes Cameroon, Angola and Equatorial Guinea. The trip, the longest since his election in May 2025, signals a strategic shift toward the continent.The choice of Africa sends a clear message, according to scholars, that the continent is now a top priority for the Church. Professor Adriaan van Klinken of the University of Leeds notes that Africa now accounts for roughly 20% of the world’s Catholics, making it one of the fastest‑growing Catholic regions, while western Europe’s Catholic numbers are in decline.In the past year, 14 new dioceses have been established across Africa, and the Catholic population has risen by 7 million, according to John Pontifex of Aid to the Church in Need UK. He describes the continent as “coming of age” in Catholicism.Upon landing at Algiers International Airport, Pope Leo was greeted by Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune and later visited the Maqam Echahid, a monument honoring those who died in Algeria’s 1954‑62 war for independence.Father Peter Claver Kogh, rector of the Basilica of Our Lady of Africa, framed the visit as a bridge‑building effort between Christians and Muslims, emphasizing a “climate of peace and tolerance.” He added that the world “needs a fraternal living and harmony” now more than ever.For biographer Austen Ivereigh, the trip continues Pope Francis’s legacy of interfaith dialogue, recalling the 2019 “human fraternity” accord signed with Muslim leaders in the UAE. John Pontifex also highlighted the visit’s timing amid a decline in religious freedom for Christians and liberal Muslims in Algeria.Lucy Esipila of Caritas Africa expects the journey to bolster Catholic communities facing conflict, debt and inequality, describing it as a vivid expression of “synodality” – the Church walking together with peripheral voices.Algeria holds special significance for Pope Leo, the first pontiff from the Augustinian order, as the birthplace of Saint Augustine. Professor Anna Rowlands of Durham University points out that North Africa was a cradle of early Christianity, underscoring the region’s deep theological heritage.The African focus comes as Pope Leo declined an invitation to the United States, opting instead to visit Lampedusa on July 4, a key entry point for migrants crossing the Mediterranean. Historian Dr Miles Pattenden suggests this contrast sends a powerful message to both European leaders and African communities.Father Kogh summed up the atmosphere in Algiers: “It’s a feeling of joy… a message of peace, coexistence and fraternity.”

Tanya Khovanova has long been a leading voice in the world of recreational mathematics, authoring a popular blog and running the Number Gossip site where enthusiasts can inquire about any number.She now debuts her first book, Mathematical Puzzles and Curiosities, co‑written with fellow puzzle‑enthusiasts Ivo David and Yogev Shpilman. Published by World Scientific, the volume offers fresh challenges and inventive twists on classic problems.To give readers a taste, Khovanova selected three puzzles for the Guardian column:1. Battleships – As a naval admiral you must choose between sending a single vessel with a success probability of P % or two vessels each with a P/2 % chance, where the mission succeeds if at least one ship does. Which strategy maximises the odds?2. The Two Oracles – You face two respondents, Randie, who answers randomly, and Rando, who randomly decides to tell the truth or lie before each answer. Is there a method to distinguish them?3. Bad Maths – A student computes 5548 − 5489 as 59, claiming the “548” cancels out. He then experiments with a subtraction of the form XXYZ − XYZW (distinct digits) and observes the result is XW. How many digits in the new expression match those in the original calculation?Solutions to the trio were later posted online (update), but readers were urged to avoid spoilers until the scheduled reveal.Khovanova also reminds fans that she has been curating puzzles for the Guardian every other Monday since 2015 and welcomes new submissions via email.

England and Spain meet again on Tuesday night in front of more than 70,000 at Wembley in the Women's World Cup 2027 qualifiers. This match comes eight-and-a-half months after they faced off in the Euro 2025 final, which England won.Spain has undergone significant changes since then, with a new head coach, Sonia Bermúdez, and a crop of emerging young players. Despite these changes, they remain unbeaten since the Euros with five wins and a draw in six matches. Bermúdez has already led them to the Nations League title.The visitors have a number of talented young players, including Fiamma Benítez, the 21-year-old Atlético Madrid midfielder, who has made a strong impact with seven goal contributions in the Champions League this season. Another player to watch is Vicky López, the Barcelona winger, who has become a regular starter.England head coach Sarina Wiegman believes that despite the changes, Spain's DNA remains the same: they want to have the ball and play dynamically. Wiegman noted that there might be some tweaks but the principle will be very similar.For England, Leah Williamson is an injury doubt due to a hamstring injury, but she has started training with her international teammates. Keira Walsh is set to win her 100th cap and Wiegman praised her vision and game understanding.England will have to make at least one change from the starting XI that beat Spain in Switzerland, with Ella Toone out injured. Jess Park is likely to start in her place.

A federal judge in Miami has dismissed former President Donald Trump’s defamation lawsuit against the Wall Street Journal and News Corp, granting the former president a two‑week deadline to refile the case. Trump’s suit, filed last summer, alleged that a lewd drawing featured in a July 2025 article—purportedly a “bawdy” birthday letter to the late financier Jeffrey Epstein—was fabricated, and that the newspaper published it with actual malice. The complaint also named media mogul Rupert Murdoch, whose News Corp owns the Journal, as a defendant. Judge Darrin P. Gayles ruled that the complaint “fails to adequately allege actual malice,” the legal standard required for defamation actions by public figures. He noted that the Journal had conducted a “significant” inquiry into the authenticity of the drawing and that Trump’s assertion of falsity alone does not prove the newspaper acted with “serious doubts” about the story’s truth. In his opinion, the judge wrote: “Because President Trump has not plausibly alleged that defendants published the article with actual malice, both counts must be dismissed.” He also observed that Trump’s team had not presented evidence of special damages. Under the order, Trump may refile the lawsuit by April 27 with additional proof that the Journal knowingly published false material. A spokesperson for Trump’s legal team confirmed they will pursue a revised filing, emphasizing the administration’s intent to “hold accountable those who traffic in fake news.” The Wall Street Journal and its parent company, Dow Jones, welcomed the decision. A Dow Jones representative said, “We stand behind the reliability, rigor and accuracy of The Wall Street Journal’s reporting.” The dismissal underscores the stringent “actual malice” requirement for defamation suits involving public officials, a threshold that continues to shape media‑law battles in the United States. It also leaves Trump with ongoing litigation against the BBC and other media outlets over separate First Amendment disputes.