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President Donald Trump issued an ultimatum demanding that Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz by 8 p.m. Eastern Time on April 7 (midnight GMT on April 8) or face the destruction of national power plants and major bridges.This demand mirrors a March 21 warning in which Trump threatened to strike Iran’s power plants – “the biggest one first” – if the waterway was not fully reopened within 48 hours.Since then, the deadline has been extended several times, with the White House citing progress in secret negotiations aimed at ending the ongoing conflict, a claim Iran publicly denies.While Trump has repeatedly declared that Iran would “lose every power plant and every other plant they have in the whole country,” he has not identified specific facilities as targets.The president has also threatened to demolish Iran’s bridges; a recent U.S.–Israeli strike damaged the B1 bridge in Karaj, a high‑profile structure slated for inauguration, underscoring the tangible risk to civilian infrastructure.Legal analysts warn that such attacks could constitute “collective punishment,” a practice prohibited under international humanitarian law.Iran’s electricity network comprises hundreds of power stations that together form one of the Middle East’s largest grids, supplying power to approximately 92 million people. Most facilities cluster around major population centres—Tehran, Mashhad, and Isfahan—where demand is highest.The generation mix is dominated by natural‑gas‑fired plants, supplemented by coal, oil, hydro, and a single nuclear facility. In the north and centre of the country, dense clusters of gas‑fired stations serve Tehran, Karaj, Isfahan and Mashhad.Along the Gulf coast, a second concentration of plants benefits from proximity to vast gas fields and ports, enabling large thermal stations to operate on abundant natural gas. This coastal belt also hosts the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant, Iran’s only nuclear reactor with a capacity of 1,000 MW, a site that has been repeatedly targeted by U.S. and Israeli forces, raising concerns about potential radioactive fallout.Hydropower generation is centred on a series of dams along the Karun River, the country’s primary source of hydroelectric power.All electricity is transmitted through a national grid managed by the Iran Grid Management Company, delivering power to cities, industry and households.A map of Iranian power stations with capacities of 100 MW or more shows that a single 100 MW plant can typically supply electricity to 75,000–100,000 homes, depending on consumption patterns.The nation’s largest facility is the Damavand Power Plant in Pakdasht, about 50 km southeast of Tehran, boasting a capacity of 2,868 MW—enough to energise more than two million homes.Key high‑capacity plants include:Damavand (Pakdasht) – Natural‑gas combined‑cycle, 2,868 MW.Shahid Salimi – Neka, Caspian Sea coast, natural gas, 2,215 MW.Shahid Rajaee – Near Qazvin, natural gas, 2,043 MW.Karun‑3 Dam – Khuzestan Province, hydropower, 2,000 MW.Kerman – Natural gas, 1,912 MW.Other strategically important stations are the Ramin Power Plant (1,903 MW, gas), the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant (1,000 MW, nuclear), and the Bandar Abbas Power Plant (1,330 MW, oil) near the Strait of Hormuz.Iran’s electricity generation is heavily fossil‑fuel dependent: in 2025, 86 % of power came from natural gas, 7 % from oil‑fired plants, about 5 % from hydropower, 2 % from nuclear, and less than 1 % from solar and wind. This makes Iran one of the world’s most gas‑reliant power systems.Targeting the grid would therefore cripple energy supply for millions, disrupt industrial output, and could trigger a humanitarian crisis, while also escalating geopolitical tensions in an already volatile region.

Apple is escalating its legal war with Epic Games by petitioning the U.S. Supreme Court to review the court's ruling on App Store fees. This move signals a critical juncture in the tech giant's defense of its revenue model, as it attempts to overturn a decision that limits its ability to charge developers for external payments. The Strategic Shift to the Highest Court After losing its appeal at the Supreme Court in a previous phase of the case, Apple is now taking its fight to the highest level of the U.S. judiciary. The tech giant filed a petition to review the Ninth Circuit Court's ruling, which found Apple in contempt for charging a 27% fee on external payments—a slight discount from its standard 30% fee. Current Status: Apple secured a temporary stay on the Ninth Circuit's ruling on April 6, 2026, effectively pausing the enforcement of the lower court's decision. Epic's Response: Epic Games immediately challenged this stay, arguing it is merely a delay tactic to prevent the court from establishing permanent bounds on Apple's fees. Legal Timeline: The battle began in 2020 when Epic bypassed Apple's fees, leading to a 2021 ruling where Apple was not deemed a monopoly but was ordered to allow external payment links. The Economics of the 27% External Fee The core of Apple's legal strategy revolves around the justification of its fee structure. While Apple reduced its commission to 27% for external transactions, Epic argues this effectively defeats the purpose of the court order, as developers still do not save significant money due to processing fees. Apple's Stance: The company argues the fee covers more than just payment processing; it includes hosting, discovery, software, and developer tools, reflecting the value of the ecosystem. Competitor Benchmark: Google settled with Epic Games last month, dropping its Play Store commissions to 20%, highlighting the pressure Apple faces to lower its rates. Developer Impact: Only a few developers, including Spotify, Kindle, and Patreon, have been willing to utilize the external payment links due to Apple's aggressive tactics. Erosion of the App Store Moat This legal battle represents a significant threat to Apple's primary revenue stream. If the Supreme Court upholds the lower courts' rulings, it could force Apple to lower its commissions or abandon its current fee structure entirely. Market Dynamics: As consumers increasingly turn to AI chatbots and agents for transactions, the traditional gatekeeper role of the App Store is being challenged. Regulatory Pressure: The court's decision will set a precedent for how tech giants can regulate commerce within their ecosystems, potentially opening the door for more developer freedom. A High-Stakes Legal Verdict Looking ahead, the Supreme Court's willingness to hear this case is uncertain. The Court previously declined to hear a similar appeal regarding Apple's monopoly status. If they reject this petition, the Ninth Circuit's decision stands, and Apple will be forced to comply with the lower fee structure. However, if the Court agrees to hear it, Apple will push to convince judges that courts should not have the authority to limit the fees it charges for its services, potentially reshaping the digital economy for years to come.

Deep in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), a tireless conservationist is working to safeguard the future of the critically endangered Grauer's gorilla. Dominique Bikaba, founder and executive director of Strong Roots Congo, has dedicated his life to protecting these majestic creatures and their habitats.Bikaba's journey into conservation began in 1992, driven by a desire to mediate tensions between park authorities and displaced communities. His work is deeply personal, rooted in his own experiences growing up near Kahuzi-Biega national park, where his family was displaced in the 1970s. The park, a sanctuary for Grauer's gorillas, elephants, and a rich array of wildlife, is a landscape of immense biological wealth and political fragility.The Grauer's gorilla, the largest subspecies of primates, can weigh up to 250kg (39st). However, their numbers have drastically declined due to conflict, slash-and-burn agriculture, and hunting for bush meat. Before the conflicts, there were approximately 17,000 Grauer's gorillas; by 2016, that number had dwindled to around 3,800.Bikaba's organization, Strong Roots Congo, aims to create a biodiversity corridor linking Kahuzi-Biega national park with Itombwe nature reserve. This ambitious project seeks to secure 1m hectares of land for wildlife and Indigenous communities, formalizing customary land rights and promoting coexistence. So far, Strong Roots has helped establish 23 community forests, covering about 600,000 hectares.Bikaba emphasizes the importance of community-led conservation. "What we are doing is putting communities back together, so they can thrive together as they have done for centuries," he says. His approach contrasts with traditional conservation models that often cast local people as threats. Bikaba believes that humans are part of nature and that there is much wisdom to be learned from communities living in forests.Despite the challenges posed by ongoing conflict in eastern DRC, Bikaba remains committed to his work. "If there is one thing we should avoid in life, it's war," he says. "If there is a way we can stop war in this region, we should do it. No matter the cost."

Utah has enacted a law that effectively shields fossil fuel companies from legal accountability for climate damages. The legislation, signed by Republican Governor Spencer Cox, limits the ability of residents to sue these companies for their role in contributing to climate change. The new law is part of a broader effort by the fossil fuel industry and its allies to secure legal immunity in statehouses and Congress. This push is aimed at countering a wave of litigation filed by states, subnational governments, and individuals who claim that fossil fuel companies knew their products would cause climate damages but sold them anyway. Critics argue that the law prioritizes profits for the biggest polluters over communities already suffering from climate impacts. The law requires challengers to provide 'clear and convincing evidence' that damage or injury has resulted directly from a violation, making it virtually impossible to successfully sue polluters for climate damages. The legislation was sponsored by Republican Representative Carl Albrecht, who has received funding from oil and gas interests. Albrecht's ties to the industry have raised concerns about the bill's motivations. The law closely mirrors a model policy called the Energy Freedom Act, circulated by the conservative group Consumers Defense, which has financial ties to a group linked to Leonard Leo, a key figure in the far-right takeover of the Supreme Court. The passage of Utah's law comes as climate lawsuits against big oil companies are inching closer to trial. Seventy cities, states, and individuals have sued energy majors for allegedly deceiving the public about the climate crisis. New York and Vermont have also passed climate 'superfund' laws requiring major polluters to pay for damages caused by their past planet-heating pollution. Lawmakers and advocates have amassed evidence that oil companies intentionally covered up the climate harms of their products. Climate science continues to warn that fossil fuels are the primary cause of dangerous global warming. Critics argue that the fossil fuel industry is pushing for immunity because it knows it cannot win on the merits of its case.

Two weeks after the United States and Israel entered a direct conflict with Iran, the White House faced mounting criticism that the war would drive up fuel costs and anger voters. Former President Donald Trump attempted to calm concerns on Truth Social, noting that the United States is the world’s largest oil producer and that higher prices translate into higher revenues for American companies. Now, five weeks into the hostilities, the reality is becoming clear: defense contractors and oil companies are the primary beneficiaries of the escalating energy market. The Department of Defense announced that Boeing will partner with Lockheed Martin to triple U.S. production of missile seekers, a move that sent Lockheed Martin’s stock up 25% since the start of the year. The announcement also lifted Boeing’s share price, underscoring how wartime procurement is boosting aerospace valuations. At the same time, Iran’s continued blockade of the Strait of Hormuz—through which roughly one‑fifth of global oil and gas flows—has pushed U.S. crude from $65 to over $110 per barrel in just a month. Pump prices have mirrored this surge, breaking the $4‑a‑gallon barrier for the first time since 2022. Oil majors have responded with sharp stock gains; ExxonMobil, Shell and Chevron have each risen more than 20% year‑to‑date. According to market‑research firm Rystad Energy, U.S. oil producers stand to earn an additional $63 billion as barrels trade above $100. “Oil prices in March have been materially higher than anyone expected, delivering a windfall for the vast majority of U.S. energy companies,” said Leo Mariani, senior analyst at Roth Capital Partners. The last comparable price shock occurred in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, when U.S. gasoline peaked at $5 per gallon and inflation surged to 9%. That episode generated $916 billion in global oil‑and‑gas profits, with U.S. firms accounting for $281 billion. Chevron’s subsequent $75 billion stock‑buyback program—seven times its prior year’s amount—illustrates how quickly companies can translate price spikes into shareholder returns. Research by economists Gregor Semieniuk and Isabella Weber revealed that in 2022, 50% of oil‑company profits went to the top 1% of Americans, while the bottom half of the wealth distribution captured just 1% of those gains. Analysts warn that the current conflict could generate even larger windfalls because it has damaged actual production capacity in the Middle East, not merely reshuffled supply. “You’re benefiting a lot more from higher prices than you are from lost production,” Mariani noted, emphasizing the outsized profit potential. Even if hostilities cease, restoring pre‑conflict output in the region may take months, prolonging the supply crunch. As senior fellow Clay Seagle of the Center for Strategic and International Studies explains, the current situation differs from 2022: “Now we’re dealing with a much more severe supply event because the oil has been actually removed from the market.” Prolonged high prices could eventually curb demand, as consumers and businesses seek alternatives—a shift seen after the 1970s oil shocks when the U.S. moved away from oil‑generated electricity. Nonetheless, many sectors remain vulnerable: diesel, a key fuel for trucks and aircraft, has risen 40%, and airline stocks such as United and American have fallen more than 15% since the year began. Moreover, disruptions to liquefied natural gas (LNG) production threaten fertilizer supplies essential for agriculture. Semieniuk cautions that “we’re approaching the kinds of disruption levels we saw in 2022, and with that, the kinds of profits that we saw there. If this takes longer, it’s going to surpass that.”

The Guardian’s weekly podcast roundup highlights a varied selection of new audio series, offering listeners everything from light‑hearted celebrity banter to hard‑hitting investigative journalism.Funny You Ask – In a delightfully candid moment, Mindy Kaling exclaims, “Oh, this is a quizshow?!” upon hearing Ike Barinholtz’s latest podcast, which blends trivia with rambling conversation about topics as eclectic as Chevy Chase and New Jersey Italian cuisine. The show positions itself as a breezy, low‑stakes alternative to the crowded celebrity‑interview market.Assume Nothing: What Happened to Mary Glasgow? – Host Nathan Edgar revisits the 1991 tragedy at Stradreagh mental hospital, where nursing assistant Mary Glasgow died after a patient altercation. Through interviews with Glasgow’s daughter Emma, the series treats the case as both a detective narrative and a memorial, probing whether the incident was an isolated mishap or a symptom of systemic failures.Single Ladies in Your Area – Comedians Amy Gledhill and Harriet Kemsley continue their third series, a witty exploration of 30‑something singledom. Recent guests have included Jameela Jamil and Catherine Bohart, who discuss topics ranging from “mean flirting” to the quirks of a “lesbian louche life.”The Overturn – Partnering with the Future Justice Project charity, Marnie Duke examines potential wrongful convictions, notably the case of former sub‑postmaster Robin Garbutt, imprisoned for his wife’s murder. The series asks whether the broader Post Office scandal could cast doubt on the prosecution’s narrative.Amityvilleville – Host Alex Goldman (of Hyperfixed and Reply All) teams up with Vice writer Caroline Thompson to watch all 91 films inspired by the Amityville haunting, beginning with the 1979 classic The Amityville Horror. Their commentary blends humor with genuine enthusiasm for the genre’s most bizarre entries.

Gaza City, Gaza – While Easter traditionally celebrates resurrection and renewal, Gaza’s dwindling Christian population spent the holiday in quiet reflection, confronting displacement, scarcity and the trauma of a conflict the United Nations has described as genocide. The enclave is home to fewer than 1,000 Christians, a community already small before the war that has suffered heavy casualties; more than 72,000 Palestinians have been killed since Israel’s offensive began on 7 October 2023. Inside the remaining churches, prayers and modest services carried profound meaning as families clung to hope for survival and peace. Yet basic necessities—electricity, water and food—remain in short supply, and even traditional Easter items such as eggs are virtually unavailable. Fouad Ayad, a bio‑energy trainer displaced from near al‑Rantisi Children’s Hospital, described searching the markets of Gaza City for eggs without success. “We decorate eggs for the children, and sometimes Muslim children visit us for colourful eggs,” he told Al Jazeera, highlighting the inter‑communal bonds that persist despite the siege. Shortages have also erased the customary communal lunch. “Meat is scarce and extremely expensive,” Ayad lamented, recalling how families once gathered to share meals, colour eggs and visit elderly neighbours of all faiths. The Church of the Holy Family, which Ayad once attended, has been struck multiple times. “Three of my relatives were killed in one attack, and another strike killed more than 20 Christians,” he recounted, illustrating the direct targeting of places of worship. Attendance at Easter services in Gaza’s sole Catholic church has dwindled as many believers have fled the Strip. Yet, as one worshipper put it, “We only performed the prayers, refusing to celebrate because of our martyrs,” affirming their resolve to remain rooted in the land despite the devastation. Israeli restrictions have prevented Christians from traveling to the Old City of East Jerusalem to attend the Holy Sepulchre for the past two years. Recent attempts by Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa to enter the site were initially blocked, only to be reversed after international outcry. Elias al‑Jelda, a 60‑year‑old Orthodox council member, recounted sheltering in the Church of the Holy Family after his home was destroyed. “I lost friends, neighbours and relatives, many killed while staying close to their homes and faith,” he said, underscoring the personal toll of the conflict. Traditional Easter treats—coloured eggs, kahk, maamoul and Eidiya gifts—are largely absent this year. “There are no eggs anywhere in the Strip,” reported 74‑year‑old Amal al‑Masri, who recalled pre‑war celebrations filled with shared meals and festive sweets. Power outages compound the hardship. “Electricity continues to be a major problem, and the soaring cost of diesel and generator oil makes it worse,” al‑Jelda warned, highlighting the broader infrastructure collapse affecting all Gazans. Despite the bleak circumstances, the remaining Christians affirm their identity and solidarity with the broader Palestinian population. “No matter what your political agenda or religion is, all of us Palestinians are targeted by the occupation,” a worshipper declared, encapsulating the collective sense of victimhood and resilience.

Thousands of Muqtada al‑Sadr’s followers took to the streets of Baghdad and several other Iraqi cities on Saturday, staging one of the largest anti‑war rallies in recent memory. Demonstrators brandished Iraqi flags while chanting slogans such as “No, no to Israel” and “No, no to America,” signaling broad opposition to the escalating conflict. Iraq, already caught in a web of regional hostilities, has endured attacks aimed at both U.S. interests and pro‑Iranian groups within its borders. The protests underscore the country’s growing frustration at being drawn into a war it did not initiate. In the heart of Baghdad’s Tahrir Square, crowds—including women—filled the avenues, their voices amplified by a palpable sense of urgency. “What America and Israel are doing is not a conventional military operation but a senseless war,” declared Dhirgham Samir, a 40‑year‑old participant, speaking to AFP. Samir added that the demonstration represented a broader rejection of “aggression, arrogance and injustice” worldwide, emphasizing that civilians are the primary victims of this conflict. Since the war began, thousands of casualties have been reported across the region, a grim statistic that fuels public anger. Al‑Sadr himself called for peaceful rallies aimed at condemning what he described as “Zionist‑American aggression” and urging a return to regional stability. His appeal resonated with many, reflecting his deep-rooted influence among Iraq’s Shia majority. Protesters gathered beneath Baghdad’s Freedom Monument, a symbol of the nation’s independence, to denounce perceived foreign meddling. Muslim leader Ali al‑Fartousi told AFP, “Humanity must speak out against these forces; the world must unite against Zionist‑American arrogance.” Al‑Sadr commands a loyal base numbering in the millions and has repeatedly demonstrated an ability to mobilise large crowds. Though he has opposed various Iraqi governments over the years, his network extends into ministries and state institutions, amplifying the political weight of today’s demonstrations.

As the final minutes ticked away at St Mary’s Stadium on Saturday, even the stray yellow balloons seemed to mock Arsenal’s faltering performance.Despite a season that once promised an unprecedented English quadruple, the Gunners have now suffered six consecutive losses, including a Carabao Cup final defeat and an FA Cup exit at Southampton. The double blow has turned a potential historic haul into a looming “quad‑lapse”.Two weeks later, a home loss to Bournemouth followed by a defeat at Manchester City’s Etihad has erased the nine‑point cushion Arsenal once enjoyed at the top of the league. With only 16 games left in the campaign, the club teeters between a title challenge and a mid‑season collapse.Arturial optimism remains, however. The manager’s emphasis on a cohesive, system‑based approach still gives Arsenal a realistic shot at the Premier League crown, even if the broader quadruple dream appears increasingly distant.What makes this season noteworthy is the sheer difficulty of competing on multiple fronts without the financial firepower of a “galactico” squad. Arsenal’s progress underscores that building a balanced, strategically disciplined team can still challenge the traditional spend‑and‑win model.Yet the narrative surrounding Arsenal’s struggles is amplified by the cultural appetite for drama. In today’s social‑media‑driven landscape, each stumble is dissected in slow‑motion, feeding a collective schadenfreude that often eclipses genuine appreciation for the club’s achievements.Arteta’s weekly press conferences have become iconic, his frustration palpable as he urges his side to “win the Champions League because we’ve thrown it away”. This raw emotion, amplified across platforms, reflects both the pressure on the manager and the public’s fascination with the club’s roller‑coaster journey.From a tactical standpoint, Arsenal’s current dilemma lies in a lack of creativity when opponents neutralise their prescribed patterns. Despite leading the league, the team ranks fourth in chances created from open play after 31 matches, and the figure has slipped further in recent weeks.Key attacking statistics highlight the problem: Gabriel Martinelli has not scored in the Premier League since September 2025; Noni Madueke has one league goal since January; Gabriel Jesus, Declan Rice, Leandro Trossard, Martin Ødegaard, and Kai Havertz are all goalless; and Bukayo Saka has managed only three league goals since November. These numbers illustrate a broader creative entropy that hampers Arsenal’s ability to break down well‑organised defenses.The team’s attacking blueprint—characterised by lateral passing, pre‑programmed overloads and a reliance on set patterns—has become predictable. Without the dynamism of players like Saka or the emerging spark of 16‑year‑old Eze, Arsenal lack the spontaneity needed to unlock stubborn opponents.Comparisons with Pep Guardiola’s Manchester City are inevitable. While Guardiola’s philosophy also hinges on possession and positional control, his side integrates moments of individual flair and improvisation, a balance Arsenal’s current iteration seems to miss. Critics have dubbed Arteta’s approach a “ChatGPT‑style Guardiola‑ism”: technically flawless yet devoid of the human edge that makes football unpredictable.Nevertheless, the squad’s underlying talent and the progress made this season should not be dismissed. If Arteta can re‑inject creativity and adapt his system to the evolving challenges, Arsenal remain well‑placed to contest the league title, even as rivals like City continue to demonstrate both brilliance and vulnerability.