Breaking AI & Tech News Analyzed

The former boss of the Co-op collected almost £2m before her sudden departure last month despite a difficult year when the retailer was pushed into the red by a damaging cyber hack.Shirine Khoury-Haq’s total annual pay package amounted to £1.9m in 2025, including a £165,000 “rewarding growth” bonus that was approved by the mutual’s board despite falling sales and the slide to an underlying loss of £125m.Khoury-Haq and other executives did not receive their regular annual bonus as the board said the company had not met an “affordability underpin” to make the payout. However, Khoury-Haq’s total pay did include a long-term performance bonus linked to earlier years.In the Co-op Group’s annual report, the remuneration committee said it had decided to pay out 10% of the three-year potential total for the new “rewarding growth” incentive plan, which goes to all staff. Full-time, frontline workers, such as shop floor staff, who were employed for all of 2025 received £100 each under the scheme.The report did not say if Khoury-Haq would receive any compensation for loss of office on her departure but did make clear she would not receive any more from the “rewarding growth” scheme. Kate Allum, a board member and former boss of the dairy group First Milk, will step in as the interim chief executive while a permanent replacement is sought.Khoury-Haq’s departure after four years heading the company, and almost seven at the business, came a month after reports of concerns about the culture at the top of the group. Last week, Khoury-Haq denied that her resignation was linked to the allegations of a toxic culture. “My decision to leave was very much a personal decision,” she said. “The reason is I want to go and do something else.”

The historic Artemis II mission is on track to reach the far side of the moon on Monday, with NASA reporting satisfaction with the progress made since the team's launch on Wednesday. The crew, comprising three Americans and one Canadian, will break the record for maximum range from Earth.The astronauts, Victor Glover, Christina Koch, Reid Wiseman, and Jeremy Hansen, are the first to bound for the moon in over half a century, picking up where the Apollo program left off in 1972. The mission aims to establish a permanent lunar base, with NASA targeting a landing by two crew members near the lunar south pole in 2028.During their journey, the crew has reported persistent issues with the Orion capsule's toilet, which has been malfunctioning since liftoff. Despite this, morale remains high, with the astronauts describing their experiences and sharing images of the moon's surface.The next significant milestone is expected overnight Sunday into Monday, when the astronauts will enter the lunar sphere of influence, where the moon's gravity will have a stronger pull on the spacecraft than Earth's. If successful, the Artemis II crew will have traveled further from Earth than any human before.The mission promises breathtaking views of the moon's far side, which was too dark or difficult to see for the 24 Apollo astronauts who preceded them. The crew will observe the celestial body with their naked eyes and cameras onboard during the flyby, which will last approximately six hours.

The United States has long honored past presidents by naming airports, dams and monuments after them, but President Donald Trump is pushing the practice to an extreme, seeking to become the most commemorated leader in American history. Less than a year and a half into his second term, Trump’s brand has proliferated across government buildings, federal agencies and even consumer platforms. In February, the administration unveiled TrumpRx, a prescription‑drug website that listed only 43 medications—most of which are available as cheaper generics elsewhere—yet proudly displayed the former president’s signature and logo. Just weeks later, the White House and the U.S. Navy announced a new "Trump class" of battleships, billed as the "largest ever built." A Pentagon release noted that the Navy has not used battleships in combat for 35 years, suggesting the project is more a vanity exercise than a strategic necessity. Federal institutions have not been spared. In December 2025 the U.S. Institute of Peace was renamed the "Donald J. Trump United States Institute of Peace," a move the White House framed as a reminder of "strong leadership" for global stability—just weeks before the administration launched a military strike on Iran. Trump’s influence extended to the arts when, in February 2025, he appointed a new board to the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts and installed himself as chair. The board voted in December to rename the venue the "Donald J. Trump and John F. Kennedy Center," a change that immediately faced a legal challenge. Republican lawmakers have largely embraced the naming spree. One congressman introduced legislation to carve Trump’s likeness onto Mount Rushmore, while another proposed naming a major airport after him, underscoring the party’s willingness to reward the president’s personal brand. Political scientist Steven Levitsky of Harvard warned that Trump operates "unconstrained" by advisers or party elders, noting that today’s Republican ambition often hinges on pleasing the president, including attaching his name to public projects. Visual propaganda has also surged. Giant banners bearing Trump’s image now hang from the Department of Justice and the Department of Labor buildings, a rarity for a sitting president and a practice more typical of authoritarian regimes, according to Princeton sociologist Kim L. Scheppele. Beyond buildings, the administration has pursued numismatic honors. A 24‑karat gold coin featuring Trump standing over a desk was approved by a hand‑picked arts commission, and drafts of a new $1 coin displayed an air‑brushed profile of the former president. The Treasury Department announced that Trump’s signature will appear on U.S. paper currency later this year, a move Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent described as a "powerful way to recognize historic achievements" of the nation. Critics argue that the public does not share the president’s enthusiasm. The 2026 National Parks Pass, which traditionally showcases natural scenery, sparked outrage when a draft featured Trump’s stern face with a spectral George Washington behind him. A cottage industry of stickers emerged to cover the image, forcing the National Park Service to warn that such alterations could void the pass. White House spokesperson Davis Ingle defended the branding, claiming it reflects Trump’s “vast accomplishments,” including the largest tax cut in history and border security measures. Yet scholars and opponents contend that the relentless self‑promotion blurs the line between public service and personal aggrandizement. As the branding campaign continues, legal challenges, public pushback, and questions about fiscal priorities suggest that Trump’s quest to name everything after himself may soon encounter more than just decorative resistance.

When President Donald Trump inaugurated Operation Epic Fury with Israel on 28 February, his administration outlined broad goals: neutralise Iran’s missile programme, cripple its navy and prevent a nuclear breakout. Within a month those objectives morphed, expanded and at times directly contradicted each other. On 29 March, aboard Air Force One, Trump told reporters that Iran had accepted most of Washington’s 15‑point demand list, conveyed through Pakistan, and even shipped oil to the United States as a goodwill gesture. In the same interview he floated the idea of seizing Kharg Island—the hub for 90 % of Iran’s oil exports—stating, “maybe we take Kharg Island, maybe we don’t. We have a lot of options.” The following day, 30 March, Trump posted on Truth Social that the United States was in “serious discussions with a new, more reasonable regime” in Tehran and claimed “great progress.” He simultaneously warned that, absent a swift deal, the U.S. would destroy Iran’s power plants, oil wells, Kharg Island and even its desalination facilities, and would force the Strait of Hormuz to reopen immediately. By 31 March, with U.S. gasoline prices climbing above $4 per gallon, Trump hinted at a rapid withdrawal, saying the U.S. would leave Iran “within two or three weeks.” He told European allies that if they needed oil or gas they could “go up through the Hormuz Strait” on their own, and rebuked the United Kingdom for not standing up for itself. On 1 April, Trump claimed on Truth Social that Iran’s new leadership had requested a U.S. cease‑fire, but only after the Hormuz Strait was “open, free, and clear.” He reiterated that the war was “not about oil,” yet threatened to blast Iran’s electric grid “back to the stone ages.” Iran’s foreign ministry dismissed the cease‑fire request as “false and baseless,” and the Revolutionary Guard warned the strait remained under its control. Following a U.S.–Israeli strike that demolished a bridge between Tehran and Karaj on 2 April, Trump posted that the next targets would be “bridges, then electric power plants,” signalling an escalation despite earlier talk of withdrawal. Finally, on 3 April, he suggested that reopening Hormuz and seizing Iranian oil could become a “gusher for the world,” a stark reversal of his earlier assertion that the conflict had nothing to do with oil. These rapid shifts illustrate a pattern of policy flip‑flopping that complicates diplomatic efforts, fuels market uncertainty, and raises questions about the strategic coherence of the U.S. approach to the Iran war.

Iranian military units have launched a coordinated search for the two pilots of a United States F‑15 fighter jet that was struck by an Iranian air‑defence system over the country's southwest region. The operation, reported by the state‑run Fars news agency, is the first documented crew‑recovery effort since the US‑Israeli war with Iran began on 28 February. State media released images showing the aircraft's wreckage, including an ejection seat attached to a parachute, underscoring the seriousness of the incident. Reuters cited two U.S. officials confirming that a fighter jet was downed and that a search‑and‑rescue mission is underway for any survivors. Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad‑Bagher Ghalibaf used the event to mock President Donald Trump’s repeated claims of victory, posting on social media that the conflict had been reduced from "regime change" to a plea for the location of the pilots. According to Iranian reports, the downed aircraft was an F‑15 likely crewed by two pilots. The Pentagon and U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) have not issued an immediate comment, a pattern consistent with past Iranian claims that CENTCOM swiftly denied. Local Iranian television broadcast footage of the jet's debris, and officials appealed to civilians to remain vigilant for any survivors. The governor of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer‑Ahmad province announced that anyone who captures the crew would receive special commendation, as relayed by the semi‑official ISNA news agency. U.S. lawmakers responded with statements of support. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer posted on X, "I’m praying for the safe return of the crew aboard the fighter jet and all of those working to rescue them in these dangerous conditions." Since the war's onset, the United States has reported the loss of three F‑15s in a friendly‑fire incident over Kuwait and a refuelling aircraft that crashed in Iraq, killing six crew members. Iran, meanwhile, claims to have downed dozens of U.S. drones and continues to assert that its new air‑defence system, introduced after the 12‑day war, remains operational. While President Trump and his advisers repeatedly assert that the United States has neutralised Iran’s air‑defences, the downing of the jet and the ensuing search highlight the ongoing volatility of the conflict.

Iranian footballer Mona Hamoudi had one ambition when she boarded the flight to Australia for the Women’s Asian Cup: to play well. However, the tournament became a test of her skills, patience, and ability to make difficult decisions under enormous pressure.Hamoudi, a 32-year-old midfielder, was part of the Iranian national squad that travelled to Australia in early March. The trip unravelled into one of the most scrutinised episodes in the history of Iranian women’s sport. The squad had remained silent during the national anthem ahead of their Asia Cup opener against South Korea on March 2, two days after the United States and Israel went to war with Iran and killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.Their silence was perceived by some as a protest against the Iranian government, and Iran’s state television branded the women as “traitors”. The players sang the anthem at their next two matches, but fears for their safety grew further after it was reported in the media that they were being monitored by Iranian government and football officials.Following Iran’s elimination at the group stage, five players – Hamoudi among them – claimed asylum and were granted humanitarian visas by the Australian authorities. However, after the rest of the squad left Australia on March 10, five of the seven later reversed course and said they would return to Iran – including Hamoudi.Hamoudi and teammate Zahra Sarbali describe the decision to return to Iran as inseparable from a sense of duty; to family, teammates, and “national obligation”, rather than a purely free choice made in calm and safety. They faced harassment and constant following from media and social media, and the expectations and pressure from the Iranian-Australian community.The journey back to Tehran was marked by fear and tension, with the media attention that had followed them throughout the tournament only intensifying once they were back in Iran. The football federation offered formal support, and the players appeared on national television after their return and resumed training as normal.On March 19, the team were met in Tehran with a hero’s welcome from the public, with several thousand people gathering in Valiasr Square, many holding Iranian flags. However, fears remain over the consequences for their careers and how their every future action might be interpreted.Maryam Irandoust, a former head coach of the Iranian women’s national team, said these experiences will carry a psychological weight onto the pitch, directly affecting performances in training and in matches. Adel Ferdosipour, a veteran Iranian sports journalist, warned that any punishment of the players could deter future footballers from representing Iran.

A recent performance at the Royal Festival Hall by the renowned Argentinian pianist Martha Argerich and her Korean mentee Dong-Hyek Lim left the audience in awe. The duo's setlist included Mozart's Sonata for Two Pianos in D Major K448 and Ravel's two-piano arrangement of La Valse, as well as a surprise encore of Schubert's Fantasia in F minor D940.The performance was marked by a sense of gentle anarchy, with Argerich and Lim chatting and occasionally bowing between works. Their onstage negotiations about swapping pianos and furious looks at page-turners added to the charm. The audience was treated to moments of astonishing pianistic ventriloquism, particularly in the second movement of the Mozart sonata, where Lim imitated Argerich's gossamer touch in a breathtaking sotto voce passage.Argerich, widely regarded as the greatest pianist alive today, brought her unique touch to the performance, conjuring 50 shades of grey in the Schubert and veiled, suspended-animation pianissimo in portions of the Rachmaninov. Lim, on the other hand, favoured bright attack and primary colours. The Ravel arrangement was deliciously muddy, with the work's intoxicating pulse gradually rising from the depths as the two pianists exchanged bass detonations.The encore, a monumental 20-minute rendition of Schubert's Fantasia, was a testament to the duo's exceptional chemistry and skill. Argerich pushed forwards, ever-faster, her hands barely skimming the keyboard, as Lim scrambled to keep up, the waltz teetering on the brink of catastrophe in a high-wire act that couldn't have been more thrilling.

Les Kiss is set to take over the Wallabies in July, inheriting a side desperate to climb back to the top of world rugby. He faces a tight schedule – 14 months and 19 Tests – before the 2027 Rugby World Cup that Australia will host. Describing his mandate, Kiss stresses that he is not aiming for a radical overhaul. "It's not a revolution, it's evolution," he told the Guardian. "Core values like discipline, accountability and strategic planning stay firmly in place." What makes Kiss an outlier is his background: a former rugby league international who never played union at senior level. He says this forced him to "earn his stripes" in the union code, learning that culture and standards in the locker room drive performance on the field. His personal story is rooted in a family that escaped the Hungarian Revolution and settled in Bundaberg, and a playing career that saw him sprint down the wing before a knee injury sidelined him for four years. Those experiences, he believes, forged the resilience he now brings to coaching. After a stint in marketing and junior coaching, Kiss transitioned to union coaching, first as a defence coach for the Springboks (2001‑02), then as an assistant with Ireland (2009‑15), director of Ulster Rugby, and finally a three‑year spell with London Irish in the Premiership. Returning to Australia in 2024 to lead the Queensland Reds, he guided the franchise to its most prolific try‑scoring season in three decades, back‑to‑back quarter‑final appearances and record crowd numbers. The Reds sit 4‑2 in the 2026 Super Rugby Pacific season and are eyeing a top‑four finish. Kiss’s coaching philosophy centres on connection. "Coaching is about rapport and building something strong together," he says, adding that he is fully invested and treats every team like family. His transition to the Wallabies will be smoothed by a close partnership with current head coach Joe Schmidt. The two have shared roughly 40 Tests, developing a strong rapport that Kiss believes will help him "understand the breakdown" and set the right structures for success. The emerging "Kiss army" already includes former All Blacks staffer Scott McLeod as defence coach, analyst Eoin Toolan, set‑piece specialist Tom Donnelly, scrum guru Mike Cron, and consultant Laurie Fisher. Skills coach Mick Byrne and U20s boss Chris Whitaker also remain on board. While his new responsibilities grow, Kiss assures fans he remains 100% committed to the Reds, vowing not to let the franchise down despite his expanding duties. On the player front, Kiss highlights a blend of seasoned talent and fresh faces that could power Australia’s World Cup campaign. The likes of Mark Nawaqanitawase, Max Jorgensen, former winger Dylan Pietsch, and NRL convert Zac Lomax are poised to add dynamism, while 18‑year‑old prodigy Treyvan Pritachard offers a glimpse of the future. Ultimately, Kiss believes the Wallabies embody a uniquely Australian style – inventive, physical, and expressive – forged in backyard games and a culture of resilience. "The Australian way isn’t formulaic; it’s about solving problems on the field in our own special way," he concludes.

The 70‑year‑old grandson of H. B. Reese, the man who created Reese’s Peanut Butter Cups, has publicly accused the $42 billion Hershey Company of quietly swapping the original milk‑chocolate and peanut‑butter formulas for cheaper compound coatings and “peanut‑butter‑style crèmes.”Brad Reese’s complaint, first aired on LinkedIn on Valentine’s Day, claims the confectionery giant has been “rewriting recipes” across flagship brands, a practice he describes as an “ingredient drift” that undermines both brand integrity and shareholder value.At a recent investor conference, Hershey announced it would restore the classic recipes for roughly 3 % of select products by next year, while insisting that the iconic Reese’s Peanut Butter Cups have never been altered.Chief Growth Officer Stacy Taffet explained that the company is “transitioning our sweets portfolio to colors from natural sources” and is committed to aligning all Hershey and Reese’s offerings with their historic milk‑ and dark‑chocolate formulas.Reese, however, dismissed the move as a “board‑level accountability problem,” arguing that the delayed rollout has already prompted shareholders to sell stock and that “your consumers are revolting.”In an interview with the New York Times, Reese labeled Hershey’s actions a “PR stunt,” insisting that a genuine commitment would mean an immediate return to the original recipes.Hershey counters that the recipe revisions are not a reaction to Reese’s criticism but stem from a strategic decision made after a 25 % increase in research and development spending aimed at talent, technology, and nutrition science.The dispute has taken on a personal dimension for Reese, who alleges the changes began after Hershey acquired the Reese’s brand in the 1960s. He recounts a recent taste test of Reese’s Unwrapped Chocolate Peanut Butter Creme Mini Hearts, stating, “I had to spit it out—it wasn’t real milk chocolate or real peanut butter.”Reese’s family, speaking to USA Today, clarified that his statements are his own and do not reflect the family’s view, adding that they continue to respect Hershey’s leadership and believe H. B. Reese would be proud of the brand’s current stewardship.Undeterred, Brad Reese retorted on LinkedIn that Hershey is “shooting the messenger,” accusing the company of managing perception rather than fixing the alleged product issues and warning that “the evidence chain isn’t going away.”