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Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

After Tehran announced a two‑week ceasefire in the Iran war, financial markets breathed a noticeable sigh of relief. Oil prices tumbled by more than 10% on Wednesday, stock indices rallied, and optimism about the global economic outlook resurfaced. However, the reprieve is far from complete.For six weeks the world’s economy has been under pressure as Iran effectively closed the Strait of Hormuz, a chokepoint that handles roughly one‑fifth of global oil and gas shipments. The closure sparked what analysts have called the worst energy crisis of the modern era, driving oil to historic highs.Any progress toward re‑opening Hormuz would ease fears of a supply crunch that could otherwise trigger a cascade of recession risks. Yet the situation remains volatile: Tehran and Washington continue to send mixed signals about the waterway’s status, and Israel’s ongoing strikes in Lebanon add further uncertainty.Consumers already feel the strain. Despite the recent price dip, Brent crude remains above $90 a barrel, a sharp contrast to the sub‑$73 levels recorded before the conflict began. While this is an improvement from the period when prices hovered above $100, it still represents a significant premium over pre‑war benchmarks.Most economists expect oil to stay above its pre‑war price throughout 2026. In its baseline forecast, consultancy Capital Economics projects Brent to settle around $80 per barrel by year‑end. Under that scenario, headline inflation in the United States and Europe would hover between 3% and 4% year‑on‑year, while GDP growth is likely to decelerate across major economies.The lingering uncertainty is amplified by the unpredictable stances of both Iran and the United States, as well as the broader geopolitical turbulence involving Israel. Prior to the conflict, few analysts believed Tehran would actually close Hormuz, a threat it has floated intermittently since the 1979 revolution.Given the strait’s pivotal role in the world economy, any prolonged disruption could add a costly premium to global business operations. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) warned in a recent report that wars since 1946 have left “economic scars” lasting more than a decade. The IMF cautioned that even after a ceasefire, persistent political and economic uncertainty can depress investment returns, fuel capital outflows, and constrain both investment and labor supply.In short, while the ceasefire has delivered a short‑term boost to markets, the underlying energy‑price pressures and geopolitical risks mean that the relief is far from absolute.

Jason Tarry, the CEO of John Lewis Partnership, which owns John Lewis and Waitrose, saw his basic pay rise by 21% to £1.2m in the year to January. This increase comes as the retailer announced significant job cuts, with 3,300 positions eliminated.Tarry's total pay package, including a £22,700 annual bonus, reached almost £1.26m. This substantial increase is part of a broader restructuring effort at the company, which has been facing challenges in the retail sector.The John Lewis Partnership, a staff-owned business, has been undergoing significant changes, including reducing its workforce from 69,000 to 65,700 employees. The company has attributed most of the reduction to natural attrition, with fewer than 0.5% of partners leaving through redundancy.Despite the job cuts, the total pay for key management, including directors, remained steady at £8m. Tarry was the highest-paid director, reflecting his combined role as chairman and CEO.The company has been exploring ways to operate more efficiently, including the use of electronic shelf labels and AI technology. However, it has not commented on potential future job cuts.In a positive note, John Lewis Partnership paid an annual bonus to workers in March for the first time in four years, following a 6% rise in underlying profits. Each worker, including Tarry, received a bonus equivalent to 2% of their salary.

Emma Sing, a 25‑year‑old Rugby World Cup winner and multiple Six Nations grand‑slam champion, says she is aiming to secure the England full‑back jersey for the upcoming Women’s Six Nations. Despite her impressive résumé – three Premiership Women’s Rugby titles with Gloucester‑Hartpury, 13 England caps since 2022 and three appearances at the 2025 World Cup – Sing insists there is no personal rivalry with fellow full‑back Ellie Kildunne, the Harlequins star who finished second in the BBC Sports Personality of the Year awards after her breakout World Cup performances. "The media love to pit us against each other, but in camp we lift each other up," Sing explained. "She is incredibly fast and agile, while I bring a more physical presence – I’m roughly 10 kg heavier – and I add reliable goal‑kicking to the mix." Sing’s background is equally diverse: she holds a degree in bio‑veterinary science from Hartpury University and grew up on a Devon farm, a heritage she jokes gives her "farm strength" on the field. Statistically, Sing has been a prolific scorer. Over the past two league campaigns she topped the points table, primarily through accurate place‑kicking, and currently sits as the second‑highest points scorer in the season, trailing only Zoe Harrison. Her consistency earned her four player‑of‑the‑match awards, even after a recent knee injury sidelined her for a few games. Coach John Mitchell acknowledges the competition at full‑back but hints at a broader role for Sing. "We may explore her in the midfield," he said, noting her strong ball‑carrying and defensive fend. The prospect gains urgency after regular No 12 Tatyana Heard was ruled out with a foot injury. Former England captain Katy Daley‑McLean echoed the sentiment, observing that Sing’s traditional full‑back skill set – solid defence and dependable kicking – offers a different dynamic to Kildunne’s "X‑factor" flair. As the tournament approaches, Sing remains focused on translating her club form – highlighted by Gloucester‑Hartpury’s 22‑17 victory over Saracens in March – into more England starts. "I’m training hard and leaving the selection to Mitch; whichever style suits the game will win the shirt," she affirmed.

The recent US-Iran ceasefire agreement has not led to a significant change in the situation for ships trying to pass through the Strait of Hormuz. According to shipping analysts, there will be no 'mass exodus' of ships through the strait, despite provisions for a temporary reopening of the crucial maritime channel.The ceasefire agreement 'doesn't change the situation in the sense that Iran is still in control,' said Richard Meade, the editor-in-chief at maritime data provider Lloyd's List Intelligence. 'It still requires ships to essentially seek permission, and that's the key. That means that nothing has changed – no permission, no transit.'An estimated 2,000 ships and 20,000 seafarers have been trapped in the Persian Gulf since the outbreak of war at the end of February, according to the UN, unable to pass through the strait to continue their journeys. The trapped vessels include oil and gas tankers, bulk carriers, and cargo ships as well as six tourist cruise liners.Under Iran's 10-point ceasefire plan, the country's foreign minister said safe passage through the strait would be allowed under Iranian military management. However, analysts believe that Iran will continue to control the flow of traffic, and few expect traffic to return to normal daily averages during the two-week ceasefire.The head of the UN shipping agency, the International Maritime Organization (IMO), welcomed the ceasefire and called for a safe evacuation of seafarers from the Gulf. Arsenio Dominguez, the secretary-general of the IMO, said: 'I am already working with the relevant parties to implement an appropriate mechanism to ensure the safe transit of ships through the strait of Hormuz. The priority now is to ensure an evacuation that guarantees the safety of navigation.'

The recent announcement of a two-week ceasefire between Iran and the US has been hailed by Donald Trump as a victorious dawn of a new era, but it is Iran that enters peace talks with the stronger hand. The Tehran regime has demonstrated its power to close the Hormuz strait and holds a stockpile of highly enriched uranium (HEU), the original crux of the conflict with the US, Israel, and allies.Trump won instant gratification with the ceasefire, which allowed him to remain the central player in the drama and claim a few hours later to have dramatically reversed course and be “far along” along the road to an enduring Middle East peace. However, the actual ceasefire terms remain hazy with varying interpretations in circulation.Iran's 10-point plan, not Trump's 15-pointer, was referred to when welcoming the ceasefire, calling it “a workable basis on which to negotiate”. The Tehran government included the right to enrich in the Farsi version of the ceasefire terms, but not in the English translation, suggesting it was put there for domestic consumption as the regime boasted victory.There seems little doubt that Iran will make the right to enrich uranium a red line at talks over a long-term settlement, as it has in all its negotiations with the west, and its possession of 440kg of HEU (enough in theory to make a dozen nuclear warheads) will be a powerful bargaining chip.

At 75, Suzi Quatro is still rocking with the same energy and passion that defined her glam era. Her signature scream, which has been thrilling audiences since she was a kid playing dance halls around Detroit, was on full display during her recent concert at Glasgow. The Suzi Q scream is a defining sound of the glam era, a holler of swallow-the-world desire that leaves the audience galvanized.While the opening hour of the concert was entertaining and well-paced, the second set was a bit of a mess, with tedious solos and drawn-out introductions of her eight-piece band. The highlight of the evening came when Quatro played Can the Can and Devil Gate Drive back to back, delivering a pure pop rush. However, the concert could have benefited from a few cuts, as Quatro seemed to struggle with pacing.Despite some minor issues, Quatro's performance was still thrilling, and her infectious energy was palpable throughout the evening. As she told the Glasgow crowd, 'I can still scream just as loud,' and she proved it with her powerful vocals.

Iran has warned that Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates could become new targets if the United States proceeds with attacks on Iranian civilian infrastructure, according to a statement cited by the Tasnim news agency. The warning came late on Tuesday, as U.S. President Donald Trump issued an ultimatum demanding Iran reopen the Strait of Hormuz by 00:00 GMT (3:30 a.m. Tehran time) on Wednesday, threatening to "destroy a whole civilisation" if the demand is not met. Closing the strategic waterway would further destabilise the global oil market, already rattled by the ongoing blockade of Gulf oil exports. In response, Iran’s First Vice President Mohammad Reza Aref affirmed the country’s readiness for any scenario, stating on X that national security and infrastructure sustainability have been meticulously calculated and that “no threat is beyond our preparedness and intelligence.” Meanwhile, U.S. forces intensified strikes on Iranian targets, hitting railway and road bridges, an airport, a petrochemical plant, and the Kharg Island oil export terminal. Gulf states on high alert Regional authorities have taken precautionary measures: Bahrain’s Khalifa Bin Salman Port announced a temporary suspension of operations from early April 8, and the U.S. State Department issued a shelter‑in‑place order for American citizens in Bahrain, alongside travel advisories for the Hajj pilgrimage and for Riyadh. Kuwait’s Ministry of Interior imposed a curfew from 12 a.m. to 6 a.m. (GMT 21:00–03:00) as a precaution, while the King Fahd Causeway linking Saudi Arabia and Bahrain was closed twice on Tuesday due to alerts in Saudi Arabia’s eastern region. Israel warned its citizens of a likely surge in attacks as the deadline approaches, citing the Karish and Tanin offshore gas fields as potential targets. Explosions and rocket fire were reported across the region, including near a U.S. diplomatic facility in Baghdad, in the Iraqi capital, and over Bahrain and the UAE. The UAE’s Ministry of Defence confirmed that its air defences are currently engaging missile and drone attacks from Iran, and Qatar’s Ministry of Defence reported intercepting a missile aimed at its territory. These developments underscore a rapidly escalating security environment in the Middle East, with the potential to impact global energy supplies and international trade.

Karim Baksh of Dasht, a remote Balochistan village, once relied on a diesel‑powered pump to irrigate his watermelon fields. After the 2022 Russia‑Ukraine war drove diesel prices sky‑high, he could no longer afford the fuel, forcing him to cut back his cultivated area. In 2023 he took a gamble: borrowing 300,000 Pakistani rupees (≈ $1,075) from relatives and installing a modest row of solar panels. Three years later, the panels run his pump without diesel, letting him water his crops even as global oil markets tumble amid the US‑Israel war on Iran and the temporary closure of the Strait of Hormuz, through which 20% of world oil and gas normally flows. Baksh’s experience reflects a broader national shift. Pakistan imports about 80% of its oil via the Hormuz chokepoint and sources 99% of its LNG from Qatar and the UAE. A Council on Foreign Relations report warns that a prolonged closure could trigger severe power shortages, factory shutdowns, and transport disruptions. Yet a quiet solar revolution is building resilience. Since 2018, rooftop solar installations have saved Pakistan over $12 billion in fuel imports, and at current prices the sector is projected to save another $6.3 billion this year alone. According to the independent think‑tank EMBER, solar’s share of the national energy mix surged from 2.9% in 2020 to 32.3% in 2025. This growth is not the result of a single government plan but of millions of individual decisions—farmers swapping diesel pumps, businesses installing panels, and households seeking reliable electricity. In urban centres such as Lahore and Karachi, solar rooftops are commonplace. Homeowners typically recoup installation costs within a few years, enjoy free electricity thereafter, and can even sell surplus power back to the grid through net‑metering. By 2025, 25% of Pakistani households use solar in some form, up from 15% in 2023, with over 280,000 consumers now participating in net‑metering schemes. However, the benefits are uneven. The upfront cost of a 3 kW system—about 450,000 rupees ($1,610)—and larger commercial setups costing up to 2.2 million rupees ($7,874) remain out of reach for many low‑income families. Analysts warn that non‑solar users, largely poorer households, are subsidising the grid usage of solar owners. Net‑metering has already shifted an estimated 159 billion rupees (≈ $570 million) of costs onto other consumers, raising concerns about a two‑tier energy system. The rapid expansion is powered largely by imports from China, which controls roughly 80% of the global solar supply chain. Chinese lithium‑ion batteries, now 20% cheaper than in 2024, enable storage for nighttime use, further reducing reliance on the national grid. Solar panel prices have plummeted: from 100‑120 rupees per watt in the early 2010s to about 30 rupees per watt today. This price collapse, combined with electricity shortages and rising tariffs after the 2022 oil price spike, made solar an attractive alternative for those able to invest. Government policy has been mixed. A 2015 net‑metering scheme encouraged adoption by offering roughly 25 rupees ($0.090) per kilowatt‑hour for exported power and by reducing import taxes on panels. More recently, concerns over the financial strain on the power sector led to a cut in the buy‑back rate to about 10 rupees ($0.036) per kilowatt‑hour. For Baksh, the policy shifts matter little. His solar‑powered pump guarantees water for his watermelons regardless of diesel price swings or geopolitical turmoil. He plans to expand his solar array, increase production, and ship his harvest to larger markets in Quetta and Karachi. In a region where temperatures can soar to 51 °C (124 °F), the sun has become a reliable ally—ensuring that, for farmers like Baksh, “the water keeps flowing no matter what.”