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Iran is experiencing the longest nationwide internet blackout ever recorded, according to the global monitoring group NetBlocks. Since the United States and Israel launched their war on Iran on February 28, connectivity has hovered at about 1% of pre‑war levels, effectively cutting the country off from the global web. The blackout follows a prior 20‑day shutdown in January, which coincided with deadly nationwide protests. Combined, these measures mean that Iranian civilians have spent close to two‑thirds of 2026 in digital darkness, relying only on a slow, state‑controlled intranet for basic services and state‑run news. NetBlocks highlighted that while regions such as Myanmar, Sudan, Kashmir and Tigray have endured longer intermittent outages, no other war has forced an entire nation offline to this extent. The monitor added that Iran is the first country to lose previously functional internet connectivity by reverting to a national network. Economic analysts warned that the January shutdown already caused the economy to lose tens of millions of dollars each day in direct damages, with far‑reaching indirect effects. Companies reported that many online businesses could not survive more than three weeks without connectivity, leading to a wave of layoffs and reduced pay raises. One affected worker, Kamran, a product designer in Karaj, said he was dismissed after the latest wave of cuts. He now relies on a local skill‑matching group, but fears competition from thousands of similarly displaced workers. A senior data analyst from a Tehran firm disclosed that the firm is offering lower-than‑expected raises and shifting to three‑month contracts, creating uncertainty about future employment. Compounding the digital crisis, the war has targeted Iran’s steel factories, petrochemical plants and other civilian infrastructure, aggravating pre‑existing problems of high inflation and unemployment. Only a limited segment of the population can access the global internet—either because they are whitelisted by the state or because they pay steep fees for proxy connections that often disappear after a few hours. Government spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani stated that internet access is being granted only to those who can “get the voice out,” such as officials, state‑affiliated entities and news agencies. Citizens on the ground describe a grim reality: frequent power outages, uncertainty about water supplies, and an inability to use services like Google Search or AI tools, even as they watch live feeds from space missions that remain inaccessible. In response to the prolonged shutdown, authorities have begun rolling out a tiered system dubbed “Internet Pro.” Business groups have received a “guide to connect to international internet,” urging them to contact a state‑run messaging app, Bale, for registration. Parallel efforts by a major telecom carrier offer one‑year data packages at prices higher than normal plans, while existing providers have not refunded customers for services they cannot deliver. President Masoud Pezeshkian’s administration, which campaigned on unblocking Iran’s internet, has offered no official explanation for the shutdown, leaving both the battered digital sector and the broader economy facing an uncertain future.

Nepal’s cabinet approved a shift to a five‑day work week for government offices and schools, extending the weekend to both Saturday and Sunday in response to an escalating fuel crisis. Government spokesperson Sasmit Pokharel told reporters that the decision was taken because “the present uncomfortable situation caused by fuel supply” necessitates closing public institutions for two days each week. Previously, civil servants enjoyed only a single day off on Saturday; offices will now operate 9 a.m. to 5 p.m., Monday through Friday. Pokharel added that the government is also examining legal avenues to convert petrol and diesel vehicles to electric power, though details remain pending. Nepal, a landlocked country of roughly 30 million people, imports virtually all of its fossil fuels from India, leaving it highly vulnerable to international price shocks. The ongoing US‑Israel war with Iran has sharply curtailed global oil supplies, causing Nepal’s aviation fuel prices to almost double in a single day. The state‑owned Nepal Oil Corp reported heavy losses on petroleum products despite modest price hikes, prompting authorities to sell half‑filled cooking‑gas cylinders last month to deter hoarding and panic buying. Tourism, a cornerstone of Nepal’s economy, faces a new threat as airlines raise airfares following the steep rise in aviation fuel costs. Higher travel expenses could dampen inbound visitor numbers, compounding economic pressures. The fuel crunch stems from the broader Middle‑East turmoil that intensified after the United States and Israel launched a joint offensive against Iran on 28 February. Tehran’s retaliatory drone and missile strikes across the region have disrupted global markets and aviation, amplifying the scarcity of fuel supplies that ripple to landlocked neighbours like Nepal. By shortening the work week, the Nepali government hopes to reduce non‑essential fuel consumption, ease pressure on already strained energy imports, and buy time for longer‑term solutions such as electrification of transport.

Occupied East Jerusalem – While Holy Week traditionally fills the Old City’s Christian Quarter with pilgrims and worshippers, the streets are now eerily quiet and storefronts remain shuttered.Palestinian shopkeeper Boulos, a man in his mid‑30s who asked to remain anonymous, still drags himself to his modest stall a few times a week, selling religious garments behind a half‑closed door to avoid Israeli orders that mandate closure of businesses in the quarter amid the ongoing US‑Israel conflict with Iran.After six years of pandemic‑related setbacks and successive wars, his business had only begun to recover when the October Gaza ceasefire was followed by a new wave of restrictions. “Before the war with Iran, we barely made enough to survive,” he said. “Now there is no income at all.”His only customer that day was an Ethiopian Christian woman buying a kilo of prayer candles for 35 shekels (about $11.20). “What can 35 shekels do for me?” Boulos lamented, underscoring the stark economic squeeze.Unlike many West Jerusalem shops, which have been allowed to stay open because of nearby bomb shelters, the Old City lacks such protection, leaving Palestinian businesses in the Christian Quarter effectively forced to shut. The area, heavily dependent on tourism, shows the least sign of life.Brother Daoud Kassabry, principal of the College des Frères school, described the scene as “the saddest Jerusalem I have ever seen.” Classes have been suspended for over a month, and the community feels the weight of an unprecedentedly difficult period.For the first time in centuries, Israeli police barred Cardinal Pierbattista Pizzaballa, the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, and other senior clergy from entering the Church of the Holy Sepulchre for Palm Sunday Mass. The Latin Patriarchate called the incident “unprecedented in centuries.”At a press conference, Cardinal Pizzaballa emphasized that while “all celebrations” have been cancelled for security reasons, “no one, not even the Pope, can cancel the liturgy of Easter.”Following the incident, leaders from Italy, France and the United States condemned the police action. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu later defended the measure as a safety precaution, citing the absence of bomb shelters near the holy site, despite the cardinal’s residence being only metres away.Netanyahu’s justification raises questions about the long‑standing “status‑quo” arrangement that places custodianship of Christian and Muslim holy sites under the heads of their respective religious institutions and Jordan’s Waqf. Palestinian Christians interpret the rhetoric as evidence of an increasingly hostile environment under Israeli control.Bishop Emeritus Munib Younan recounted being spat on by Jewish yeshiva students in the Old City without any legal consequences. He now prefers to attend services in Bethlehem or a small church outside Jerusalem, where he feels “no one is pointing a gun at you.”“They want to show the world that this country is only meant for them – not Christians, not Muslims,” Younan said, reflecting a sentiment shared by many locals.Netanyahu later announced that religious ceremonies at the Holy Sepulchre would be permitted during Holy Week, but only for clergy, keeping the general public out. Observers noted the inconsistency, pointing out that Muslim worshippers have been barred from the Al‑Aqsa compound since late February, including during Ramadan, with only minimal international rebuke.The cumulative restrictions have crippled the already dwindling Palestinian Christian community, which now makes up less than 2 % of the population in Israel and the occupied territories. Traditional events such as the Way of the Cross procession and Holy Fire Saturday have been cancelled, eroding communal cohesion.Father Faris Abedrabbo of the Annunciation Latin Parish linked the current hardships to the Passion narrative, urging congregants to view their suffering through the lens of “steadfastness” – an active, spiritual resistance rather than passive endurance.Economic despair is prompting a new wave of emigration. Bishop Younan reported that many young Christians ask for help obtaining visas to the United States, Canada or Australia, fearing there is “no future” in Jerusalem. Boulos, the shopkeeper, admits he has considered leaving, noting that “they try to make us lose hope and abandon this land.”Despite the bleak outlook, Boulos continues to visit his shop, saying, “I come here to prove to myself that I still have hope, even if it feels endless.”

Indonesia formally received the coffins of three United Nations peacekeepers who lost their lives in southern Lebanon as Israel intensified its invasion, a development that underscores the expanding regional fallout of the US‑Israel war on Iran. On Saturday, uniformed officers carried the bodies into a solemn ceremony attended by President Prabowo Subianto. Following the tribute, Foreign Minister Sugiono urged a comprehensive UN inquiry into the fatalities, stressing that "incidents like this should not happen" and calling for a security guarantee for peacekeeping troops. The three soldiers—Farizal Rhomadhon (28), Zulmi Aditya Iskandar (33) and Muhammad Nur Ichwan (26)—were members of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). Rhomadhon was killed when a projectile, later attributed by a UN source to fire from an Israeli tank, detonated near his position. A day later, Iskandar and Ichwan perished in an explosion that struck a UNIFIL logistics convoy. Family members expressed deep sorrow. Iskandar’s father, Iskandarudin (60), told reporters from West Java that the loss was especially painful because the troops were deployed for peace, not combat. The government announced that the trio will be interred on Sunday and pledged financial assistance to their families, reflecting Indonesia’s commitment to support the bereaved. In a related incident, UNIFIL reported that three additional peacekeepers were wounded in a blast at a facility near Adeisse; the cause of that explosion remains unidentified, though the injured were confirmed to be Indonesian. Indonesia’s foreign ministry has called on the UN Security Council to convene an urgent meeting of troop‑contributing nations to review and strengthen protection measures for UNIFIL personnel. The tragedy occurs against the backdrop of a broader conflict: the US‑Israel offensive against Iran has spilled into Lebanon after Hezbollah, aligned with Tehran, launched rockets following the assassination of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on 28 February. Israeli forces have been bombarding Lebanon for weeks, aiming to establish a 30 km (≈18.6 mi) security zone along the border. Key takeaway: The loss of Indonesian peacekeepers highlights the heightened risks faced by UN missions in volatile theaters and intensifies calls for stronger international safeguards amid escalating Middle‑East hostilities.

Pep Lijnders revealed that Bernardo Silva will depart Manchester City this summer, urging the club to give the veteran a proper send‑off as his contract runs out in June.The Portuguese international, now 31, has enjoyed an impressive campaign but, according to the assistant manager, this will be his final season in the Sky Blue jersey.Speaking candidly, Lijnders said, "When he is not playing you will see how he is missed – that’s one game. Every good story comes to an end, and I hope he enjoys the last months – there are only six weeks – and has a good farewell. He deserves all that attention as well."Silva arrived from Monaco in July 2017 for a reported £43.5 million fee and quickly became integral to Pep Guardiola’s era of dominance, collecting six Premier League titles, two FA Cups, five League Cups, a Champions League trophy and two FIFA Club World Cups. He was also appointed captain for the current season.Lijnders, who previously served under Jürgen Klopp at Liverpool before joining City, praised Silva’s footballing intellect: "I didn’t like him before. Now I love him. The way he feels the game, what’s needed – there aren’t many like him. He knows when to drop, when to make a move 20 metres away from Rodri."He added, "Bernardo Silva is unique. The way he controls games, moves, receives the ball and leads is unparalleled. You never replace a player of his type because they simply don’t exist." Lijnders emphasized the club’s focus on nurturing academy talent to fill midfield roles rather than seeking a direct replica.Silva, who has previously spoken of wanting to end his career at Benfica, will become a free agent this summer. Barcelona have reportedly shown interest, though neither the player nor Manchester City have issued an official statement regarding his next move.

As the final minutes ticked away at St Mary’s Stadium on Saturday, even the stray yellow balloons seemed to mock Arsenal’s faltering performance.Despite a season that once promised an unprecedented English quadruple, the Gunners have now suffered six consecutive losses, including a Carabao Cup final defeat and an FA Cup exit at Southampton. The double blow has turned a potential historic haul into a looming “quad‑lapse”.Two weeks later, a home loss to Bournemouth followed by a defeat at Manchester City’s Etihad has erased the nine‑point cushion Arsenal once enjoyed at the top of the league. With only 16 games left in the campaign, the club teeters between a title challenge and a mid‑season collapse.Arturial optimism remains, however. The manager’s emphasis on a cohesive, system‑based approach still gives Arsenal a realistic shot at the Premier League crown, even if the broader quadruple dream appears increasingly distant.What makes this season noteworthy is the sheer difficulty of competing on multiple fronts without the financial firepower of a “galactico” squad. Arsenal’s progress underscores that building a balanced, strategically disciplined team can still challenge the traditional spend‑and‑win model.Yet the narrative surrounding Arsenal’s struggles is amplified by the cultural appetite for drama. In today’s social‑media‑driven landscape, each stumble is dissected in slow‑motion, feeding a collective schadenfreude that often eclipses genuine appreciation for the club’s achievements.Arteta’s weekly press conferences have become iconic, his frustration palpable as he urges his side to “win the Champions League because we’ve thrown it away”. This raw emotion, amplified across platforms, reflects both the pressure on the manager and the public’s fascination with the club’s roller‑coaster journey.From a tactical standpoint, Arsenal’s current dilemma lies in a lack of creativity when opponents neutralise their prescribed patterns. Despite leading the league, the team ranks fourth in chances created from open play after 31 matches, and the figure has slipped further in recent weeks.Key attacking statistics highlight the problem: Gabriel Martinelli has not scored in the Premier League since September 2025; Noni Madueke has one league goal since January; Gabriel Jesus, Declan Rice, Leandro Trossard, Martin Ødegaard, and Kai Havertz are all goalless; and Bukayo Saka has managed only three league goals since November. These numbers illustrate a broader creative entropy that hampers Arsenal’s ability to break down well‑organised defenses.The team’s attacking blueprint—characterised by lateral passing, pre‑programmed overloads and a reliance on set patterns—has become predictable. Without the dynamism of players like Saka or the emerging spark of 16‑year‑old Eze, Arsenal lack the spontaneity needed to unlock stubborn opponents.Comparisons with Pep Guardiola’s Manchester City are inevitable. While Guardiola’s philosophy also hinges on possession and positional control, his side integrates moments of individual flair and improvisation, a balance Arsenal’s current iteration seems to miss. Critics have dubbed Arteta’s approach a “ChatGPT‑style Guardiola‑ism”: technically flawless yet devoid of the human edge that makes football unpredictable.Nevertheless, the squad’s underlying talent and the progress made this season should not be dismissed. If Arteta can re‑inject creativity and adapt his system to the evolving challenges, Arsenal remain well‑placed to contest the league title, even as rivals like City continue to demonstrate both brilliance and vulnerability.

Deontay Wilder secured a split‑decision win over Derek Chisora in London on Saturday, prompting the former WBC champion to directly challenge Anthony Joshua for a long‑awaited heavyweight bout.As Wilder exited the arena, he walked past Joshua, exchanged a fist‑bump, and declared, “Let’s do it.” The American added, “I’m ready for whoever is in the heavyweight division. Call me Mr Clean because I want to clean up the whole division.”Wilder, who holds a record of 45‑4‑1 with 43 knockouts, faced a resilient Chisora who fought his 50th professional contest. The British veteran, aged 42, fell to a split decision with judges scoring the bout 115‑111, 112‑115 and 115‑113 in Wilder’s favour.Joshua, who last fought in December when he knocked out Jake Paul, has since recovered from a serious car accident in Nigeria that claimed two of his close friends. Promoter Eddie Hearn told Fight Hub TV that Joshua would have “no problem” taking the fight, noting the British boxer stared at Wilder “ice‑cold” but would accept the challenge.Historically, Wilder was the WBC champion when Joshua held the WBA, IBF and WBO belts, but a unification bout never materialised after Wilder’s loss to Tyson Fury and Joshua’s defeat to Oleksandr Usyk, who later unified the titles by beating Fury in May 2024.Chisora, whose record stands at 36‑14 with 23 knockouts, acknowledged the end of his fighting career after the loss. Speaking beside his son Zion, he said, “I’m tired now. I can’t do it any more… I’ve had a great career.” While he hinted he might stay involved in boxing in another capacity, he stopped short of confirming a comeback.The potential Wilder‑Joshua clash now looms as the heavyweight division seeks a new marquee matchup, with both fighters positioning themselves as the next dominant force.

The new Reform UK promotion, dubbed “Nigel cut my bills,” asks voters to surrender personal details – name, phone, email and voting history – for a chance that Nigel Farage will foot their energy bills for a year. The concept reads like a scripted MrBeast video: a charismatic host appears on a suburban street, hands out cash, and celebrates each winner with upbeat music and on‑screen tallies. While the party frames the scheme as a bold, voter‑engaging move, privacy advocates have already flagged potential breaches of data‑protection law. More troubling, however, is what the stunt signifies: the “MrBeastification” of British politics, where flashy giveaways replace substantive policy debate. Reform UK’s website touts a suite of promised savings if it wins the next election: scrapping VAT on energy bills (a £85 reduction), eliminating Labour’s green levy (£100), and removing the carbon tax (£15). The messaging is clear – Farage is portrayed as a man who puts money directly into voters’ pockets. Yet the underlying issue of soaring energy costs is oversimplified. Bills are high not because of the mentioned taxes, but because the UK’s electricity price is tied to volatile gas market prices. Farage’s advocacy for renewed North Sea drilling would lock the country into this volatility, offering short‑term relief at the expense of long‑term energy security. Earlier, Reform UK floated a controversial policy targeting non‑domiciled residents: a one‑off charge of £250,000 for a ten‑year renewable residence permit, with proceeds earmarked for low‑paid workers. Critics argue the fee merely shifts the burden onto wealthy foreigners while providing negligible benefit to ordinary voters. In the world of viral giveaways, the spectacle often masks deeper shortcomings. As the article notes, after MrBeast hands cash to a homeless man, he probes the man’s backstory, revealing systemic issues that a single payment cannot solve. Similarly, Reform’s grand gestures risk being tokenistic, offering temporary excitement without addressing the structural challenges of the UK’s energy market. Ultimately, the “Nigel cut my bills” competition may capture attention, but it also underscores a shift toward sensationalist political communication that prioritises instant gratification over meaningful policy solutions.

As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.