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U.S. Vice President JD Vance touched down in Budapest on Tuesday for a two‑day series of bilateral meetings, a move the White House billed as a show of support for Prime Minister Viktor Orban ahead of Hungary’s April 12 parliamentary election. Orban’s Fidesz Party faces its toughest test in more than a decade, with recent polls indicating the opposition enjoys an 8‑12 percentage‑point advantage, and some surveys showing a lead as high as 20 points. Princeton sociologist Kim Lane Scheppele warned that Vance’s visit, while symbolically important, is unlikely to significantly alter the electoral math. “One visit by a relatively low‑profile American vice president is not going to change that,” she said. Nevertheless, the trip underscores the close ties between the Trump administration and Orban. Former President Donald Trump endorsed Orban in February, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Hungary that same month, signaling U.S. backing for the right‑wing leader. Orban’s 16‑year rule has been marked by the erosion of judicial independence and media freedom, reforms that critics argue tilt the electoral system in Fidesz’s favour. Yet the opposition, led by 45‑year‑old former Fidesz insider Peter Magyar of the Tisza Party, is rallying around anti‑corruption and economic grievances. Magyar’s campaign promises a more constructive relationship with the European Union, hoping to restore billions of euros in funding suspended in 2022 over democratic backsliding. He positions himself as centre‑right, sharing many of Orban’s policy stances but rejecting the incumbent’s alleged corruption. “Magyar is centre‑right; he’s basically a believer in much of what Orban has done, minus the corruption,” Scheppele noted, adding that his eurosceptic leanings could still facilitate the return of EU money. The Hungarian‑U.S. connection extends beyond politics to financial incentives. Scheppele highlighted that Trump has hinted—though not formally promised—a fiscal safety net for Orban if he wins, reminiscent of U.S. aid pledges made to right‑wing allies in Argentina’s 2025 elections. “If Vance makes that kind of announcement, it could be a real game‑changer,” she warned, suggesting that a concrete U.S. financial commitment could bolster Orban’s standing in the final days of the campaign. Orban’s appeal to the U.S. far right has been evident since Hungary hosted the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in 2024, where Trump lauded him as a defender of “Western civilisation.” The personal rapport between Orban’s political director and Vance—evident in a 2024 photo captioned ‘A Trump‑Vance administration sounds just right’—further cements this transatlantic alliance. As the election approaches, the key question remains whether symbolic diplomatic support or a tangible financial pledge will prove decisive in a race where domestic issues—corruption, social services, and economic stagnation— dominate voter concerns.

Joe Eszterhas, the swaggering pitchman of 80s and 90s Hollywood, has lived a life of excess and creativity. He wrote hits like Jagged Edge and co-scripted Flashdance, earning a then-record $3m for his Basic Instinct screenplay.Eszterhas's life story is a harrowing, rollicking immigrant's tale that whisks its hero from his birth in war-torn Hungary through the refugee camps of Allied-occupied Austria to the US rust belt. He covered the Kent State massacre as a cub reporter and interviewed Charles Manson in prison.Now 81, Eszterhas is plotting a Hollywood comeback with a rebooted Basic Instinct. He received a reported $2m from Amazon MGM studios for his script and stands to make a further $2m if and when it is filmed. The new story juggles copycat serial killers with elements of the supernatural.Eszterhas has always relished a good public scrap, and his reboot is described as anti-woke. This has sparked concerns that he may be co-opted and become a political football. However, Eszterhas insists that he is not afraid of controversy and sexuality.Despite his past struggles with drinking and drugs, Eszterhas has been clean and sober for decades. He has written a 750-page memoir, Hollywood Animal, and told his Tinseltown war stories on a recent multi-part media podcast, Ugly, Irresponsible, & Childish.

Daniel Peretz, the Southampton goalkeeper on loan from Bayern Munich, has expressed his pride in representing Israel during a tumultuous period marked by war and geopolitical conflict. With his family in Tel Aviv, Peretz shares the challenges of balancing his international duties with the safety concerns of his loved ones.Peretz's excitement about facing Arsenal in the FA Cup quarter-finals is palpable, but he also acknowledges the gravity of the situation in Israel. His family adheres to air raid sirens by heading to bunkers and safe rooms, a routine that has become all too familiar. Despite the distance, Peretz stays connected with his family, ensuring they are safe and focused on their instructions.When asked about playing for Israel being bittersweet, Peretz notes that the only bitter aspect is not qualifying for the World Cup and not playing at home. Israel's home games have been held in Hungary for the past three years, but Peretz hopes for a future where they can play at home with their fans.Peretz is known for his positive outlook and has a close relationship with his idol, Manuel Neuer. He recalls his first encounter with Neuer, feeling nervous but inspired. Peretz also shares his experiences with Harry Kane's penalty techniques, noting that saving one in 10 against Kane is a good statistic.As Southampton prepares to face Arsenal, Peretz emphasizes that while they have respect for their opponents, they are not afraid. He believes that if anyone doubts their abilities, they shouldn't participate. With a 14-game unbeaten run in all competitions, Peretz and his team are confident in their abilities.Peretz's future at Southampton is also a topic of discussion, with a £7m buy option in place. He is open to staying but acknowledges that promotion to the Premier League could impact his decision. For now, he is focused on finishing the season strongly.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Irish MEP Barry Andrews toured makeshift shelters in Beirut last month, where displaced families are living on dirty mattresses and blankets and suffering from infections. The conditions, he said, are worse than during Israel’s 2024 incursion, underscoring the human cost of Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel.On returning to Dublin, Andrews became one of the first European lawmakers to urge the European Union to revive sanctions against Israel. He argued that the EU must also address state‑backed settler violence in the West Bank, attacks on health workers in Gaza, and Israel’s recent move to reinstate the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of terrorism.The EU’s leverage lies in its association agreement with Israel, a commerce and cooperation accord that underpins a €68 billion (€59 bn) trading relationship and includes cooperation on energy and scientific research. Former EU representative to the Palestinian territories, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, says the bloc should suspend this agreement, halt all military aid, and cease trade with illegal settlements, warning that inaction will further damage the EU’s reputation.Andrews described the EU’s reaction to the Iran‑Israel‑Lebanon war as “weak and pathetic,” adding that it effectively gives Israel a “permission slip for endless war crimes.” The European Commission condemned the Knesset’s death‑penalty vote as “very concerning” and a “clear step backwards,” while the Council of Europe called it a “legal anachronism” incompatible with modern human‑rights standards.Human‑rights figures note that in the past four weeks more than 1,240 people have been killed in Lebanon—including at least 124 children—and over 1.1 million have been displaced. In Gaza, the death toll has risen by 673 since the October ceasefire, bringing the total to 72,260 deaths.EU leaders have been divided on how to respond. Former Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed unprecedented sanctions last September, citing a “man‑made famine” in Gaza, but the proposal failed to secure a majority in the Council of Ministers, losing momentum after the U.S. announced a cease‑fire plan.Member states also differ: Ireland, Spain and Slovenia champion the Palestinian cause, whereas Germany, Austria and Hungary—led by Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—have resisted measures such as sanctions on West Bank settlers.Despite these divisions, a senior EU diplomat warned in mid‑March that the bloc may need to “increase pressure on Israel again,” citing the “highly problematic” situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Another diplomat highlighted the importance of engaging with Israeli civil society, noting an open letter from 600 Israeli security officials urging an end to the Gaza war.In a recent statement, a Commission spokesperson reiterated that diplomatic engagement with Israel continues, describing it as the standard approach when partners “do not see developments eye to eye.” Yet former EU envoy Kühn von Burgsdorff cautioned that the EU cannot appear as a “sidekick” to an “erratic, unreliable” U.S. president or a “warmongering, annexationist” Israeli prime minister, as such a stance would undermine Europe’s global standing.

Ukraine is facing a critical spring as the country's situation continues to deteriorate. US financial support has dried up under Donald Trump, making European aid crucial. However, Hungary's Prime Minister Viktor Orbán is blocking a €90bn EU loan to Kyiv, causing exasperation for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.Orbán's opposition is driven by his nationalist base and allegations of collusion with Russia to undermine European decision-making. With US attention shifting to the Middle East, Ukraine has become more vulnerable and reliant on European support. Higher oil prices and the lifting of restrictions on Russian oil have boosted Vladimir Putin's war economy, while stocks of US Patriot missile interceptors are dwindling.Meanwhile, peace negotiations with Moscow have paused, and the White House's priorities in the Gulf are taking precedence over Kyiv's needs. Ukraine's president has stated that future US security guarantees are being linked to the surrender of unoccupied territory in the Donbas. Europe must develop stronger mechanisms to counter blocking tactics like Orbán's and provide crucial financial support to Ukraine.

The World Cup playoffs have reached a critical stage, with several high-stakes matches set to determine which European teams will qualify for the tournament. Gennaro Gattuso's Italy are facing a significant challenge against Northern Ireland, a team they have not beaten in a competitive match since 1983.Craig Bellamy's Wales are also in action, taking on Bosnia and Herzegovina in a match that promises to be closely contested. The winner of that tie will face either Poland or Albania in the playoff final.The Republic of Ireland, who reached the playoffs thanks to Troy Parrott's late winner in Hungary, have a tough match against the Czech Republic in Prague. The victor will play either Denmark or North Macedonia at home on Tuesday.Graham Potter's Sweden are another team in action, facing Ukraine in Valencia with the winner hosting Poland or Albania next week. If Sweden win both ties on penalties, they will become the first team to qualify for a World Cup without winning a single match since Hungary in 1954.These matches represent the final hurdle for several teams hoping to qualify for the World Cup, and the pressure is on for managers like Gattuso, Bellamy, and Potter to deliver results.

Republic of Ireland captain Seamus Coleman has urged his team to complete the job of qualifying for the World Cup, saying they have a duty to lift the country. The Republic visit the Czech Republic on Thursday in a World Cup playoff semi-final.Coleman believes that recent history, including painful playoff defeats in the past, will be forgotten in Prague. He emphasized that the current team, led by manager Heimir Hallgrímsson, has the confidence and momentum to end a 24-year absence from the World Cup.The team has been allocated only 1024 tickets for the semi-final, but Coleman insists the Republic will not be intimidated in Prague. He added that the team's recent wins over Portugal and Hungary have lifted the country and given people something to talk about.Coleman's confidence was shared by Hallgrímsson, who recently extended his contract with the Football Association of Ireland until the end of the Euro 2028 campaign. The Czech Republic pose a conundrum ahead of the semi-final, with Miroslav Koubek taking charge of the national team.