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Senator Bernie Sanders declared on Monday that he will force a vote later this week on a resolution designed to stop the sale of nearly $500 million in bombs and bulldozers to the Israeli military. The procedural maneuver bypasses the Senate majority leader, signaling a direct challenge to the administration’s policy of unconditional support for Israel.Sanders framed the measure as a response to what he described as the "extremist Netanyahu government" responsible for alleged genocide in Gaza, arguing that American taxpayers should not fund further military operations that exacerbate civilian suffering.While the Republican‑controlled Senate is unlikely to approve the resolution, the vote will serve as a barometer of Democratic sentiment toward Israel, especially as anger over the U.S.–Israel war on Iran and ongoing atrocities in Gaza and the West Bank intensifies.Last year, Sanders introduced a comparable bill that was defeated 27‑70. At that time, a majority of Senate Democrats had supported the effort, reflecting an erosion of the once‑solid bipartisan consensus backing Israel.Public opinion data underscores this shift: a February Gallup poll found that only 46 % of Americans hold favourable views of Israel, and a mere 17 % of Democratic respondents say they sympathise more with Israelis than Palestinians.Since the conflict began, the United States has provided Israel with over $21 billion in military assistance during the first two years of the Gaza war, a figure that critics argue fuels continued violence.Adding pressure from the advocacy side, liberal Zionist organization J Street issued its first call to phase out U.S. aid to the Israeli military, citing the combined impact of the Gaza war, rising extremist activity in the West Bank, and the U.S.–Israel confrontation with Iran.J Street urged Washington to consistently apply existing legal restrictions—such as the Leahy Law—that prohibit security assistance to countries implicated in human‑rights abuses, a standard it says has been routinely overlooked in Israel’s case.The upcoming Senate vote, therefore, not only tests the durability of the U.S.–Israel security partnership but also reflects a broader reevaluation of American foreign‑policy priorities amid a volatile Middle‑East landscape.

Benin’s presidential contest is tilting decisively toward the incumbent government’s nominee, Romuald Wadagni, after his only challenger, Paul Hounkpe of the Cowry Forces for an Emerging Benin party, publicly acknowledged defeat on national television. Hounkpe’s concession, aired on Monday, included a call for “republican congratulations” and a reminder that democratic health depends on mutual respect across partisan lines, as reported by AFP. Currently serving as foreign minister, Wadagni is the designated successor of President Patrice Talon, who is stepping down after two consecutive five‑year terms. The election follows a turbulent period marked by a foiled coup in late 2025, which was suppressed with the aid of Nigerian forces. Out of an electorate of nearly 8 million eligible voters, early voting proceeded at a modest pace, according to Al Jazeera correspondent Ahmed Idris reporting from Cotonou. Hounkpe’s campaign highlighted that despite a robust 7.5% GDP growth in 2024, the benefits have not sufficiently improved living standards, pointing to persistent poverty rates exceeding 30% and limited trickle‑down of economic gains. In contrast, Wadagni pledged to focus on essential services such as water access, expanded social security, and improved healthcare, positioning himself as a continuity candidate for the ruling coalition. The finance minister, who previously led the polls, was widely expected to prevail after the main opposition party, the Democrats, failed to nominate a candidate and declined to endorse Hounkpe. The Democrats also fell short of the 20% threshold needed for parliamentary representation in the January 2026 elections, securing only about 16% of the vote. Security concerns loom large for the incoming administration. The northern region continues to grapple with insurgent activity from the al‑Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al‑Islam wal‑Muslimin (JNIM), which has inflicted heavy casualties on the military, including an attack last year that killed 54 soldiers and another incident in March that claimed 15 lives. These challenges are compounded by broader instability across the Sahel, where a succession of coups in neighboring states such as Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali has heightened regional volatility. While Wadagni’s ascent promises policy continuity, the new president will need to address both the security vacuum in the north and the socioeconomic gap that leaves a third of Benin’s population in poverty despite recent economic growth.

The White House Council of Economic Advisers released an analysis estimating that the United States faces a shortage of roughly 10 million homes. The report argues that easing regulatory burdens could unlock a construction surge, stabilise home prices, expand home‑ownership and accelerate overall economic growth. President Donald Trump signed two executive orders in March directing federal agencies to reduce housing‑regulation costs and to facilitate mortgage lending by smaller banks. Yet, critics note that the administration has been slow to prioritize high housing costs amid falling approval ratings tied to tariffs, the US‑Israel conflict with Iran, and unmet inflation‑reduction promises. Mortgage rates have risen from just under 6 % to 6.37 % for a 30‑year loan, further inflating the cost of home purchase. Trump has publicly defended higher home prices to protect existing owners, stating, “I don’t want to drive housing prices down… I want to drive housing prices up for people that own their homes.” The housing chapter of the annual Economic Report of the President, obtained by the Associated Press, outlines a blueprint showing how increased homebuilding could benefit the middle class and the broader economy, providing a potential political narrative for the president. According to the report, if homebuilding had continued at its pre‑2008 pace, the nation would have **10 million more houses** today. The 2008 crisis, driven by risky lending and a housing bubble, still casts a long shadow. Home prices have surged **82 % since 2000**, while median incomes have risen only **12 %**, a disparity previously softened by historically low mortgage rates. The post‑COVID inflation spike and higher rates have made affordability a top concern for voters under 40. Regulatory costs—dubbed the “bureaucrat tax”—are estimated to add **over $100,000 per new home** through updated building codes, compliance fees and zoning approvals. The report projects that trimming these costs could enable the construction of **up to 13.2 million homes**, potentially delivering an **average 1.3 percentage‑point boost to annual GDP** over the next decade and supporting **two million manufacturing and construction jobs**. One administration official, speaking on condition of anonymity, suggested that federal funding to states could be tied to regulatory reductions, creating a financial incentive for local governments. The analysis also criticises the green‑energy housing standards introduced under former President Joe Biden, which mandate more efficient HVAC systems and water‑heater requirements. Citing a 2021 National Association of Home Builders study, the report claims these standards could add **up to $31,000** to a new home’s price, with a **payback period of up to 90 years** for homeowners via lower utility bills. While rolling back such standards might lower upfront costs, the report acknowledges potential long‑term utility‑bill increases for owners. Legal challenges further complicate the picture: a Texas federal judge recently sided with 15 Republican‑led states, deeming the Biden‑era standards for federally backed housing **unlawful**. Overall, the White House’s proposal positions regulatory reform as a lever to address the housing deficit, stimulate economic growth, and generate jobs, while navigating the political and environmental trade‑offs inherent in the debate.

Peter Magyar, the leader of the Tisza party, announced a comprehensive reform agenda hours after his coalition was declared the winner of Hungary’s parliamentary election, ending Viktor Orban’s 16‑year rule. He emphasized that his government will work to restore the rule of law, plural democracy and a system of checks and balances that he says were eroded under the previous administration.At a news conference, Magyar detailed plans for a new anti‑corruption office and a separate body to oversee government spending, aiming to curb the graft that plagued the former regime. He also announced a constitutional amendment that will limit future prime ministers to two terms, a direct response to Orban’s repeated changes to the constitution designed to extend his hold on power.Regarding foreign policy, Magyar pledged that Hungary will remain a committed member of both the EU and NATO, describing these alliances as essential guarantees of peace. He vowed to phase out dependence on Russian oil and gas by 2035 and to pursue a cooperative, rather than confrontational, dialogue with Brussels.The new government is expected to unlock roughly €18 billion in EU funding, and Magyar highlighted that the parliamentary shift could also release a €90‑billion loan package for Ukraine that Orban had blocked a month earlier.Magyar’s position on Ukraine is nuanced. He called the country “the victim in the war” and said he would press President Vladimir Putin to end hostilities, yet he maintained that “fast‑tracking Ukraine’s EU accession is completely out of the question while the war continues.” He added that the restoration of ethnic Hungarian minority rights in Ukraine would be a precondition for deeper ties.On trans‑Atlantic relations, Magyar affirmed that the United States remains “a very important partner” and expressed a desire for “good relations” with the Trump administration, noting the recent visit of U.S. Vice President JD Vance to Budapest.Domestically, Magyar called on President Tamas Sulyok to expedite the transfer of power and urged the president to resign, reminding readers that the president must convene a new parliament within 30 days, after which lawmakers will elect the new prime minister.

Peter Magyar, leader of the Tisza party, secured a landslide victory in Hungary’s parliamentary elections, obtaining a clear mandate to restore the country’s ties with the European Union and revive a stagnant economy. For more than 16 years, Viktor Orban’s government clashed with Brussels, rejecting sanctions on Russia, opposing aid to Ukraine and consequently losing access to European financing. The new administration is expected to reverse that trajectory. Magyar has pledged to unlock over €16 billion in EU funds allocated after the COVID‑19 pandemic, but he must enact reforms on the judiciary, rule of law and anti‑corruption measures before an August deadline to meet EU criteria. Economic stagnation has been severe: Hungary recorded near‑zero growth for three consecutive years and posted the highest inflation rate in the EU in 2023. Voters cited the cost of living as a primary concern, which Magyar addressed by promising a “kick‑start” of the economy. On foreign policy, Magyar is likely to adopt a more collaborative stance toward Ukraine. While he previously opposed Kyiv’s accelerated EU accession and military support, analysts expect him to lift the veto on a €90 billion loan to Ukraine that Orban blocked in February, creating a “money‑for‑Ukraine, money‑for‑Hungary” trade‑off. Nevertheless, Magyar will retain a pragmatic approach to energy security. He affirmed that Russian fuel imports will continue as a safeguard against global shortages, even as he seeks to distance Hungary politically from Moscow. Migration policy is set to soften rhetorically. The Tisza party plans to tone down Orban’s aggressive anti‑refugee messaging while maintaining a hard line on border protection, including keeping the controversial fence and opposing EU relocation quotas. This shift aims to eliminate a €200 million fine imposed for breaching asylum‑seeker rights. Experts caution that Magyar’s rise does not guarantee unanimity within the EU on contentious issues such as Ukraine’s accession or sanctions on Russia. Former Orban allies who shared his hard‑line positions may now be compelled to articulate their own stances. Overall, Magyar’s victory marks a potential turning point for Hungary, offering a pathway back into the EU’s decision‑making core and a chance to address long‑standing economic and diplomatic challenges.

Peter Magyar, once a staunch supporter of Prime Minister Viktor Orban, has shattered the latter’s 16‑year grip on power after his Tisza Party won a landslide victory in Sunday’s parliamentary election. With 97.35% of precincts counted, the centre‑right Tisza Party secured 138 of the 199 parliamentary seats and 53.6% of the popular vote. By contrast, Orban’s Christian‑nationalist Fidesz obtained 55 seats with 37.8% of the vote, according to official tallies. Addressing a crowd of tens of thousands along the Danube in Budapest, the 45‑year‑old victor declared, “Tonight, truth prevailed over lies,” adding that Hungarians had chosen to ask what they could do for their homeland rather than the reverse. Who is Peter Magyar? Born in Budapest in March 1981 to a family of lawyers, he is the great‑nephew of former President Ferenc Madl (2000‑2005). After earning a law degree from Pázmány Péter Catholic University in 2004, Magyar began a career in corporate law and joined Orban’s Fidesz while the party was still in opposition. He later served as a legal aide to Fidesz during the 2006 anti‑government protests, married future justice minister Judit Varga (they have three children), and held several senior posts after Fidesz returned to power in 2010, including a stint at Hungary’s Permanent Representation to the EU in Brussels and a board seat at state‑owned road operator Magyar Közút ZRT. Why did he break with Orban? A 2024 scandal involving a presidential pardon for a man linked to a children’s‑home abuse cover‑up implicated Varga, then justice minister, prompting public outrage and Novak’s resignation. Magyar seized the moment, publishing a Facebook post accusing the government of corruption and releasing a recording of a conversation with his ex‑wife that suggested interference in a corruption case. Policy analyst Gábor Győri of Policy Solutions described Magyar’s departure as a “gradual estrangement” that accelerated after Varga’s fall from power. The exposure boosted Magyar’s domestic popularity, positioning him as a fresh opposition figure amid widespread voter fatigue with Fidesz. In April 2024, Magyar joined the centre‑right Tisza Party, won a seat in the European Parliament, and now stands poised to become Hungary’s next prime minister. Political analyst Zsuzsanna Vegh (German Marshall Fund) noted that Magyar’s win “dispels the myth that Orban cannot be defeated,” emphasizing his ability to unite a diverse electorate through a moderate, policy‑focused campaign rather than a radical right‑wing challenge. Scandals surrounding Magyar have also surfaced. His former wife Varga accused him of domestic violence and of using a secret recording for political gain. Earlier in 2026, Magyar faced allegations of a sex‑related scandal and drug use after compromising photos emerged; he denied drug use, describing the episode as a “honey‑trap” orchestrated by a “classic Russia‑style compromising situation.” He further claimed that Fidesz targeted him personally to undermine his campaign. On policy, Magyar pledges to revive Hungary’s stagnant economy, reduce dependence on Russian energy by 2035, and restore pragmatic relations with both the EU and Moscow. He aims to unlock EU funds frozen over alleged rule‑of‑law breaches and has previously expressed caution about accelerating Ukraine’s EU accession. Observers caution that while Magyar’s election fuels hope among young Hungarians, the real test will be translating opposition momentum into effective governance. As Izabella Nagy, a Budapest professional, observes, “Rebuilding a democracy is far more gruelling than dismantling one,” underscoring the challenges ahead for the new administration.

U.S. President Donald Trump launched a scathing attack on Pope Leo XIV on Sunday night, branding the pontiff “weak on crime” and “terrible for foreign policy.” The criticism was posted on Trump’s Truth Social account, where he asserted he does not want a Pope who “criticises the President of the United States.” The outburst appears to be a direct response to recent statements by Pope Leo that condemned the United States’ involvement in the Israel‑Iran conflict. Last week, the Pope issued a rare rebuke of Trump’s threat to eradicate Iranian civilisation, calling the threat “truly unacceptable.” On Sunday, he further urged world leaders to halt ongoing bloodshed, describing the war‑driving mindset as a “delusion of omnipotence.” Trump’s post also referenced the Pope’s earlier questioning of the administration’s hard‑line immigration stance, noting the pontiff’s remark that such policies might not be “pro‑life.” In his response, Trump demanded that Leo “use common sense,” stop “catering to the radical left,” and focus on being a “great Pope, not a politician.” Adding a personal jab, Trump claimed credit for the Vatican’s selection of the first U.S.-born Pope, suggesting the election was intended to curry favour with the White House. “If I wasn’t in the White House, Leo wouldn’t be in the Vatican,” he wrote, before reiterating that he is “not a big fan” of the pontiff, accusing him of “liking crime” and labeling him “very liberal.” The tension echoes past friction between Trump and the Vatican, notably with Pope Francis, who had previously criticized the president’s immigration proposals and questioned his Christian credentials. Despite the diplomatic spat, Pope Leo is scheduled to commence an 11‑day African tour on Monday, beginning with a historic visit to Muslim‑majority Algeria.

A comprehensive study from Denmark has concluded that taking acetaminophen, commonly known as Tylenol, during pregnancy has no effect on later autism diagnoses in children. The research, which utilized Denmark's robust national healthcare system to track more than 1.5 million children born between 1997 and 2022, including 31,098 children who were exposed to Tylenol in utero, found no significant link between Tylenol use and autism. The study's findings contradict claims made by the Trump administration, which had suggested that Tylenol use during pregnancy was a major cause of autism in children. This led to a notable 16% drop in Tylenol orders for pregnant women in emergency rooms following the announcement. However, the new study provides reassurance that Tylenol is safe to use during pregnancy for pain relief and fever reduction. According to the study, autism was diagnosed in 1.8% of children who were exposed to Tylenol and 3% of those who weren’t. A similar 2024 study in Sweden found a marginal link that disappeared after considering siblings, suggesting that autism is strongly genetic. Health officials had previously announced a label change for acetaminophen, warning of a potential link to autism, which has now been called into question. Experts, such as Jeremy Faust, an emergency physician at Mass General Brigham and a health services researcher at Harvard Medical School, have noted that the words of health officials can significantly affect behavior, as evidenced by the drop in Tylenol orders. However, Faust also emphasized that Tylenol remains one of the safest options for pain control and fever reduction during pregnancy.

A federal judge in Miami has dismissed former President Donald Trump’s defamation lawsuit against the Wall Street Journal and News Corp, granting the former president a two‑week deadline to refile the case. Trump’s suit, filed last summer, alleged that a lewd drawing featured in a July 2025 article—purportedly a “bawdy” birthday letter to the late financier Jeffrey Epstein—was fabricated, and that the newspaper published it with actual malice. The complaint also named media mogul Rupert Murdoch, whose News Corp owns the Journal, as a defendant. Judge Darrin P. Gayles ruled that the complaint “fails to adequately allege actual malice,” the legal standard required for defamation actions by public figures. He noted that the Journal had conducted a “significant” inquiry into the authenticity of the drawing and that Trump’s assertion of falsity alone does not prove the newspaper acted with “serious doubts” about the story’s truth. In his opinion, the judge wrote: “Because President Trump has not plausibly alleged that defendants published the article with actual malice, both counts must be dismissed.” He also observed that Trump’s team had not presented evidence of special damages. Under the order, Trump may refile the lawsuit by April 27 with additional proof that the Journal knowingly published false material. A spokesperson for Trump’s legal team confirmed they will pursue a revised filing, emphasizing the administration’s intent to “hold accountable those who traffic in fake news.” The Wall Street Journal and its parent company, Dow Jones, welcomed the decision. A Dow Jones representative said, “We stand behind the reliability, rigor and accuracy of The Wall Street Journal’s reporting.” The dismissal underscores the stringent “actual malice” requirement for defamation suits involving public officials, a threshold that continues to shape media‑law battles in the United States. It also leaves Trump with ongoing litigation against the BBC and other media outlets over separate First Amendment disputes.