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Iran has issued a threat to close the Bab al-Mandeb shipping route, a vital waterway connecting the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, in response to escalating tensions with the US. Ali Akbar Velayati, a top adviser to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, warned that Iranian allies could shut the route, similar to Iran's effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz.The Bab al-Mandeb is a crucial passage for global oil trade, with 4.1 billion barrels of crude oil and refined petroleum products passing through it in 2024, accounting for 5% of the global total. A closure of both the Bab al-Mandeb and the Strait of Hormuz would block 25% of the world's oil and gas supply.The strait is effectively controlled by the Iran-backed Houthis, who have already demonstrated their ability to disrupt shipping in the region. During Israel's conflict in Gaza, the Houthis blocked the Bab al-Mandeb for ships associated with Israel or the US.A closure of the Bab al-Mandeb would have significant implications for global trade, particularly for Saudi Arabia's oil exports to Asia and global container shipping from China, India, and other Asian countries to Europe. It could also exacerbate the ongoing global energy supply crisis.Experts warn that a blockade of the Bab al-Mandeb would create a 'nightmare scenario,' disrupting trade toward Europe and potentially leading to a broader conflict in the region.

President Donald Trump has proposed that the United States could charge a toll for ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz after the war with Iran. This move would likely require direct US military control over the strategic waterway, which connects the Gulf to the Indian Ocean and handles about 20% of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG).Trump made these comments while issuing what he called a 'final' ultimatum to Tehran to reopen the strait and agree to Washington's terms or face attacks against Iran's civilian infrastructure. He emphasized that any deal with Iran must include reopening the Strait of Hormuz and ensuring 'free traffic of oil'.The US president's suggestion comes as Iran has been sustaining drone and missile attacks across the region and maintaining a blockade of Hormuz. Despite this, Trump reiterated that Iran has been militarily defeated, a claim he has been making since the early days of the war.Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has called for 'new arrangements' to manage the waterway after the war, ensuring safe passage for ships and protecting Iran's interests. The White House has also indicated that Trump is considering asking Arab countries to pay for Washington's expenses in its war on Iran.

The Escalation of Cyber-Kinetic Threats in the Middle EastIran’s military has signaled a dangerous escalation in the ongoing regional conflict by explicitly targeting critical AI infrastructure. In a video released late last week, Iranian military spokesperson Ebrahim Zolfaghari warned that if the United States proceeds with threats to strike Iranian civilian assets, Tehran would retaliate against U.S. energy and technology infrastructure across the region. The video, which went viral on Sunday, explicitly zoomed in on the Stargate data center in the United Arab Emirates, stating that "nothing stays hidden to our sight, though hidden by Google." This marks a significant shift from previous threats, which were largely abstract, to specific, high-value targets.Targeting the Stargate InitiativeThe focal point of the threat is the Stargate project, a monumental $500 billion joint venture announced in January 2025 between OpenAI, SoftBank, and Oracle. The initiative, originally hampered by funding troubles and tariff costs, is currently seeking to expand its international footprint. The Iranian warning suggests that the war in the region is no longer limited to traditional military assets but is spilling over into the digital backbone of the global economy. This comes at a precarious time for the project, which is attempting to solidify its status as a global leader in AI compute power.Financial and Strategic Implications for Tech GiantsThe threat carries severe financial and operational risks for major technology entities operating in the region. The conflict has already resulted in physical damage to cloud infrastructure, with Iranian missiles striking Amazon Web Services (AWS) data centers in Bahrain and an Oracle facility in Dubai. Furthermore, the Iranian military has previously named Nvidia and Apple as potential targets, indicating a broad strategy to disrupt the supply chains and data processing capabilities of Western tech giants. For a project like Stargate, which relies on uninterrupted power and secure facilities, these threats pose existential challenges to its operational continuity.Redefining Data Sovereignty in Conflict ZonesThis development fundamentally alters the landscape of data sovereignty and cloud computing. Historically, data centers have been viewed as neutral commercial zones, but the recent attacks demonstrate that they are becoming legitimate targets in geopolitical warfare. The targeting of Stargate, a project backed by some of the world's most powerful AI companies, implies that the global race for AI dominance is now subject to the volatility of military conflict. This creates a new layer of risk for international investors and tech firms, forcing them to reassess the security of their assets in volatile regions.The Future of AI Infrastructure Under Geopolitical DuressLooking ahead, the convergence of AI infrastructure and military conflict suggests a turbulent period for global technology. We can expect a surge in security expenditures as companies attempt to harden their data centers against physical and cyber-attacks. Additionally, there may be a strategic shift away from locating critical AI infrastructure in high-risk zones like the Middle East, potentially leading to a reconfiguration of the global AI supply chain. The standoff over the Strait of Hormuz and the threat to Stargate signal that the next phase of the conflict will likely involve a battle for control over the digital networks that power the modern world.

Arsenal manager Mikel Arteta has insisted that his team will not panic after suffering back-to-back losses for the first time this season. The Gunners, who were defeated by Manchester City in the Carabao Cup final and Southampton in the FA Cup, face Sporting in the Champions League quarter-final on Tuesday.Arteta emphasized the importance of understanding the reasons behind their recent setbacks and regaining their identity. He stated, 'Instead of panic, understand if that happens, why it happened, and bring clarity. And when you analyse that and you accept that, you'll be better.'David Raya, set to start against Sporting, echoed Arteta's sentiments, urging his teammates to use their recent disappointments as motivation. 'Now that it's gone, we just have to use that fuel, that pain that we had after the game to pick it up for the rest of the season,' he said.Arsenal will be without Bukayo Saka and Jurriën Timber due to injuries, but Gabriel Magalhães, Declan Rice, and Leandro Trossard are expected to feature.Sporting manager Rui Borges expressed confidence in his team's ability to pull off an upset, stating, 'They are a great team and great teams always want to win. They will be more focused and more willing to show their collective and individual capacity.'

The 2026 football calendar has been unusually fragmented, with international fixtures squeezed into March for World Cup qualifying play‑offs, leaving only a handful of matches over the weekend. This odd scheduling created a three‑week lull in the domestic title race, a pause that proved advantageous for cup competitions.Manchester City’s Carabao Cup victory offered a tactical showcase for Pep Guardiola, reminding fans that silverware cannot be taken for granted after last season’s disappointment. The win set the stage for a weekend of high‑stakes FA Cup action.In the FA Cup quarter‑finals, Southampton defeated Arsenal in a match steeped in nostalgia, as the hosts wore a pale yellow‑blue kit echoing their 1976 triumph. The result highlighted the competition’s ability to generate drama beyond league narratives.One of the most compelling stories came from Ross Stewart, Sunderland’s former striker now with Southampton. After a career hampered by a ruptured Achilles in an FA Cup tie three years earlier, Stewart returned to the competition and scored against Arsenal, the very side that had previously exposed his hamstring woes. At 29, his goal not only propelled Southampton forward but also secured him a place in the upcoming FA Cup semi‑final at Wembley.The weekend also featured Manchester City’s dominant display against Liverpool, intensifying speculation over Liverpool manager Arne Slot’s future, and a gritty penalty shoot‑out win for West Ham over Leeds, underscoring the unpredictable nature of knockout football.For Arsenal, the loss raises serious concerns. The Gunners entered the break on a 14‑match unbeaten league run, only to suffer consecutive defeats and display uncharacteristic nervousness after half‑time against City. The return of goalkeeper David Raya, whose distribution could alleviate Arsenal’s pressing issues, may help, but the team’s injury list and erratic passing remain problematic.Overall, the weekend proved that the FA Cup remains a vital pillar of English football, capable of elevating unsung players like Stewart and delivering moments that resonate far beyond the Premier League title chase.

Iran’s nationwide internet outage, which started on 28 February following the first US‑Israel strikes, has now stretched beyond 38 days, making it the most prolonged country‑wide shutdown since the Arab‑spring era. Authorities ordered a total cut‑off of global internet services on the day the conflict began, after a brief shutdown in January amid nationwide protests. More than five weeks without external connectivity has left most Iranians dependent on state‑run television and a single satellite channel for news. According to Amir Rashidi, director of the Iran‑focused human‑rights group Miaan, many citizens are unaware of the full scale of the war because “their only sources are Iranian state television and one satellite channel.” This limited media environment means Iranians receive information filtered through government agendas. Doug Madory, director of internet analysis at Kentik, noted that while sub‑national outages have occurred in places like Myanmar, Ukraine and Gaza, Iran’s shutdown is the longest and most severe at the national level since Libya’s six‑month blackout during the Arab Spring. Sudan’s 37‑day shutdown in 2019 is the only comparable recent case. In response, the regime has pushed users onto the National Information Network (NIN), a domestic intranet under development for 16 years. The NIN provides parallel services—local search engines, an Iranian‑styled streaming platform, and messaging apps—but operates under strict government monitoring. Platforms are known to hand over user data to authorities. A Miaan Group report highlighted that domestic search engines censor key terms. For example, searches for “war” or “ceasefire” on Gerdoo, Iran’s home‑grown Google alternative, return no results, while another local engine frames the conflict as a decisive Iranian victory. Circumventing the blackout is costly and risky. Some Iranians travel overland to Turkey to regain connectivity, while others purchase VPNs or special SIM cards on a hidden market at prices ranging from $6 to $24 per gigabyte—five to twenty times the global average—effectively turning internet access into a luxury commodity. Despite the human and economic toll, Miaan Group warns that the shutdown is likely to persist as the government continues to promote the NIN, even though many of its services remain unreliable or non‑functional. There is no clear indication that unrestricted internet access will be restored in the near future.

Two weeks after the United States and Israel entered a direct conflict with Iran, the White House faced mounting criticism that the war would drive up fuel costs and anger voters. Former President Donald Trump attempted to calm concerns on Truth Social, noting that the United States is the world’s largest oil producer and that higher prices translate into higher revenues for American companies. Now, five weeks into the hostilities, the reality is becoming clear: defense contractors and oil companies are the primary beneficiaries of the escalating energy market. The Department of Defense announced that Boeing will partner with Lockheed Martin to triple U.S. production of missile seekers, a move that sent Lockheed Martin’s stock up 25% since the start of the year. The announcement also lifted Boeing’s share price, underscoring how wartime procurement is boosting aerospace valuations. At the same time, Iran’s continued blockade of the Strait of Hormuz—through which roughly one‑fifth of global oil and gas flows—has pushed U.S. crude from $65 to over $110 per barrel in just a month. Pump prices have mirrored this surge, breaking the $4‑a‑gallon barrier for the first time since 2022. Oil majors have responded with sharp stock gains; ExxonMobil, Shell and Chevron have each risen more than 20% year‑to‑date. According to market‑research firm Rystad Energy, U.S. oil producers stand to earn an additional $63 billion as barrels trade above $100. “Oil prices in March have been materially higher than anyone expected, delivering a windfall for the vast majority of U.S. energy companies,” said Leo Mariani, senior analyst at Roth Capital Partners. The last comparable price shock occurred in 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, when U.S. gasoline peaked at $5 per gallon and inflation surged to 9%. That episode generated $916 billion in global oil‑and‑gas profits, with U.S. firms accounting for $281 billion. Chevron’s subsequent $75 billion stock‑buyback program—seven times its prior year’s amount—illustrates how quickly companies can translate price spikes into shareholder returns. Research by economists Gregor Semieniuk and Isabella Weber revealed that in 2022, 50% of oil‑company profits went to the top 1% of Americans, while the bottom half of the wealth distribution captured just 1% of those gains. Analysts warn that the current conflict could generate even larger windfalls because it has damaged actual production capacity in the Middle East, not merely reshuffled supply. “You’re benefiting a lot more from higher prices than you are from lost production,” Mariani noted, emphasizing the outsized profit potential. Even if hostilities cease, restoring pre‑conflict output in the region may take months, prolonging the supply crunch. As senior fellow Clay Seagle of the Center for Strategic and International Studies explains, the current situation differs from 2022: “Now we’re dealing with a much more severe supply event because the oil has been actually removed from the market.” Prolonged high prices could eventually curb demand, as consumers and businesses seek alternatives—a shift seen after the 1970s oil shocks when the U.S. moved away from oil‑generated electricity. Nonetheless, many sectors remain vulnerable: diesel, a key fuel for trucks and aircraft, has risen 40%, and airline stocks such as United and American have fallen more than 15% since the year began. Moreover, disruptions to liquefied natural gas (LNG) production threaten fertilizer supplies essential for agriculture. Semieniuk cautions that “we’re approaching the kinds of disruption levels we saw in 2022, and with that, the kinds of profits that we saw there. If this takes longer, it’s going to surpass that.”

Progressive candidate Abdul El‑Sayed’s alliance with left‑wing Twitch streamer Hasan Piker has ignited a sharp rift within Michigan’s tightly contested three‑way Senate race, pitting establishment favorite Mallory McMorrow against a pro‑Israel coalition supporting Rep. Haley Stevens. McMorrow, backed by the Democratic establishment, the Anti‑Defamation League, the Trump administration, and prominent pro‑Israel figures, has condemned Piker as antisemitic and warned that his involvement could alienate voters still reeling from the recent Temple Israel synagogue attack. In contrast, El‑Sayed and Piker announced a joint rally last week, prompting McMorrow’s camp to label the partnership a political liability. Seven Arab American leaders interviewed by the Guardian argue that the attacks on El‑Sayed and Piker are both strategic missteps and moral blunders that repeat the mistakes that cost the Democrats in Michigan in 2024. Michigan houses the nation’s highest per‑capita Arab American population, anchored by a large Lebanese diaspora. The ongoing Israeli assault on southern Lebanon—displacing over 1 million civilians and destroying villages—has hit the community hard, with many families directly affected. "Arabs get the pressure and Israel gets compassion," said James Zogby of the Democratic National Committee, underscoring the perceived double standard. Arab American leaders contend that the Democratic focus on Israel while sidelining Lebanese and Muslim concerns could erode crucial voter support. Data from the 2024 election illustrate the risk: Kamala Harris lost Michigan by roughly 80,000 votes, with some analysts estimating that her pro‑Israel stance cost her an additional 100,000 votes. A Guardian analysis found a 22,000‑vote swing away from Democrats in the three cities with the largest Arab American and Muslim populations. National polling now shows a dramatic shift among Democratic voters: support for Israel’s war in Gaza has fallen to an all‑time low of 8%, while a majority favor an arms embargo on Israel. Piker, who commands a 3‑million‑strong Twitch audience, consistently voices sympathy for Palestinians and calls for an embargo, positioning himself as a bridge to younger, progressive voters. Despite the controversy, El‑Sayed maintains that winning requires dialogue with all constituencies, even those outside the progressive bubble, noting his recent appearance on Fox News. He warned that every dollar spent on what he calls an "illegal, unjustified war in Iran" diverts resources from schools, healthcare, and infrastructure in Michigan. As the 2028 election cycle looms, Arab American leaders caution that the Democratic Party’s handling of the Israel‑Palestine issue in this swing state could have lasting repercussions, potentially reshaping the party’s fortunes in the Midwest.

Romanian director Radu Jude is known for his wildly improvised and low-budget filmmaking style, often incorporating elements of TV ads, AI-generated content, and amateur dramatics into his movies. His latest film, 'Dracula', continues this trend, presenting a satirical take on Romania's dark past and the country's most reliable export: the legend of Dracula. The film is a meta-cinematic experiment, featuring a smug and supercilious film-maker, Adonis Tanta, who introduces the audience to his cheapo film about Dracula, created on his iPad using unbearable AI. The story is interspersed with set-piece mini-films-within-a-film on Dracula-adjacent themes, including a communist-era tale of a truck driver who falls in love with a local woman. Jude's film is a scathing critique of Romania's persistent strains of fascism, antisemitism, clerical arrogance, exploitative service economy, and stakeholder capitalism. Specifically, it relates to a proposal for a Dracula theme park in the late 1990s, in which thousands of Romanian citizens invested money that they would never see again. While the film may test the audience's patience at times, it features moments of startling insanity and is a testament to Jude's innovative filmmaking style. As the reviewer notes, 'one day, I predict, Jude will make a biopic of political vampirism about the most pressing Romanian subject of all: Nicolae and Elena Ceaușescu.' 'Dracula' is set to premiere at the ICA in London on April 10.