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In the Colombian city of Medellín, a neighbourhood called Comuna 8 has taken proactive steps to address climate change and disaster risk management. The community, with the help of organisations and experts, has developed a climate resilience plan that focuses on nature-based solutions.Róbinson Velásquez Cartagena, a community leader, designed and built a rainwater harvesting system to reduce the risk of flooding and landslides. This initiative is part of a larger plan that includes reforestation to control erosion and sedimentation on hillsides and in ravines, and establishing eco-gardens and agroforestry systems.The plan, which was formally launched in August 2023, comprises eight measures to address climate risks. These measures were developed in line with the Medellín city council's Climate Action Plan and with the involvement of several organisations, including Medellín's disaster risk management department (DAGRD) and Heriot-Watt University in the UK.The community's efforts have led to a disaster risk and climate adaptation plan for all 21 comunas in Medellín. While challenges remain in securing government support and funding for grassroots initiatives, the work in Comuna 8 serves as a model for other communities.“The plan reflects the views of the community and the organisations' proposals that we have made for years,” says Velásquez Cartagena. “We want the municipality to acknowledge it financially. We hope they put effort into implementing it, as these small actions make a real difference.”

Disney introduced InfinityVision at this year’s CinemaCon, positioning it as a certification for premium large‑format (PLF) auditoriums that meet or exceed undisclosed standards for screen size, brightness and sound quality. While the name sounds like a Marvel spin‑off, the label applies to any film, not just superhero titles. Disney claims roughly 300 screens worldwide already carry the badge, though a public directory has yet to appear. The timing is strategic: Disney’s Avengers: Doomsday is slated for a December debut that coincides with the release of the third Dune film, which has secured a limited run on coveted Imax screens. By promoting InfinityVision, Disney hopes to reassure audiences that alternative PLF venues—such as Dolby, RPX and other branded auditoriums—can deliver an equally spectacular experience, a tactic the author dubs screenmaxxing. Screenmaxxing has become a lifeline for a theatrical sector under pressure from streaming and rising ticket prices. Even the smallest multiplex PLF screens dwarf the televisions owned by the majority of consumers, yet theatres cannot simply charge a $5 premium for a larger screen; they need to sell a demonstrably superior visual and auditory package. Today’s market offers a bewildering array of PLF options, especially in cities where multiple chains compete. Directors like Ryan Coogler (Sinners) and the team behind Project Hail Mary use the variety of formats as a marketing hook, explaining aspect‑ratio differences and visual nuances to fans. Even legacy formats have resurfaced: Paul Thomas Anderson’s One Battle After Another revived the rarely used VistaVision, an analog high‑definition process dormant for half a century, alongside traditional 70mm and Imax prints. Adding to the mix, a new digital projector brand—HDR by Barco—is being rolled out to compete with Dolby‑branded auditoriums. The technology promises deeper blacks, heightened contrast and unprecedented brightness, and has already been adopted by the Alamo Drafthouse chain for its dine‑in locations. Many of these Barco‑equipped rooms also feature Dolby Atmos sound, though the author cautions against conflating sound systems with projection technologies. To gauge HDR by Barco’s performance, the writer visited the Brooklyn Alamo Drafthouse, one of three New York venues using the system (the others are Regal locations equipped with RPX screens). While the recent Super Mario Galaxy movie showcased the projector’s vivid palette, the reviewer chose a more demanding test: Lee Cronin’s horror‑reimagining The Mummy. Compared with a prior Dolby projection of the same film, the Barco version delivered a noticeable boost in clarity—especially in shadow‑heavy scenes—without the oversharpening or motion‑smoothing artifacts sometimes seen on consumer TVs. The experience was “brighter” yet retained natural colour balance, offering a subtle but real upgrade over standard cinema projection. Despite the technical gains, the piece questions whether another premium brand can truly shift audience habits. The author argues that healthy competition among laser‑projection systems may prevent theatres from settling for “dim” images, encouraging cinephiles to seek out PLF venues. However, blockbuster spectacles like the climactic battle in Avengers: Endgame remain visually underwhelming even on an InfinityVision‑certified screen, suggesting that format alone cannot rescue a film’s visual impact. Ultimately, the most compelling case for premium formats may be the construction of genuine Imax theatres, not retrofits. True Imax auditoriums prioritize height over width, delivering an immersive field of view that even high‑end digital projectors struggle to match. Yet only a few dozen such venues exist worldwide; most “Imax” screens are simply Dolby, Barco or RPX rooms equipped with the brand’s hardware. Screenmaxxing, therefore, is likely to remain a niche pursuit rather than a universal solution for the exhibition industry. While hunting for the loudest, sharpest presentation can be entertaining, an overabundance of competing formats may reinforce the perception that a standard movie‑going experience is insufficient—potentially undermining the very audience the industry hopes to attract.

Wrexham AFC, the football club co-owned by Hollywood stars Ryan Reynolds and Rob Mac, has been awarded a £3.8m government grant without a contract or a completed state aid assessment in place. This has raised questions over whether the award was lawful.The club has received a total of £18m in taxpayer-funded grants to help redevelop its stadium, the Racecourse Ground. This is significantly more than any other club in the UK.Responses to freedom of information requests suggest that Wrexham county borough council awarded the money before completing the usual steps. Alexander Rose, a partner specialising in subsidy control at law firm Ward Hadaway, stated that the lack of a final state aid assessment at the time the grant was awarded would have left it vulnerable to legal challenge by a rival.However, there is little prospect of Wrexham AFC being forced to repay the cash, as the one-month window for challenges to be filed has since closed. The leader of Wrexham council, Mark Pritchard, said: “All due diligence and checks were in place ahead of the transfer of any funding and we refute any accusations to the contrary.”Reynolds and Mac took over the club in 2021, bringing with them a wave of sponsorship and global interest via their Disney TV series Welcome to Wrexham. The club has been able to far outspend their lower-league rivals, transforming the club’s fortunes.Wrexham, which was granted city status in 2022, awarded the £18m to the star-studded club as part of its “Wrexham Gateway” urban improvement scheme. Most of the money went towards developing the stadium, despite the club having deep-pocketed owners.The first £3.8m tranche of cash was awarded on 8 February 2022, less than a year after Reynolds and Mac’s takeover. Another £14m was awarded in September 2025.Public authorities that give out grants are required by law to judge if they comply with the principles of subsidy control, to ensure taxpayer money is not misspent. However, in response to a freedom of information request, Wrexham council said it only had “draft assessments” in place before the money was awarded.The council said the final assessment it provided was submitted nearly five months later, on 6 July 2022. In response to questions, the council shared a draft assessment it said dated from 7 September 2021.Rose said: “At the time the £3.8m grant was awarded there was a duty to carry out a principles assessment. Evidence that this assessment wasn’t finalised when the grant was given would certainly have helped a challenger, for example a rival football club.”“Subsidy control rules exist to ensure there’s a level playing field in which businesses can compete,” he added. “That includes in professional football. They’re also an important protection for the taxpayer, preventing wasteful and unnecessary subsidies from being awarded.”Recipients of large grants almost always sign contracts to ensure taxpayer money is spent as promised. Yet the council said the grant was authorised by its executive board and “provided in advance of the finalisation of the grant funding agreement”.The council said the grant funding agreement – apparently covering the whole £18m – was only created in July 2023.The contract was then completed on 17 September 2025, when the £14m tranche was awarded.The two-year delay between the creation of the contract and its signing also offered another potential benefit to Wrexham council: new subsidy control laws that came into force days earlier in August raised the threshold for mandatory scrutiny of the grant by the Competition and Markets Authority.Delaying the subsidy meant the award to Wrexham AFC was not subject to this scrutiny.While it was tapping taxpayer money, the club was also able to raise huge amounts from private backers. In the year to June 2025 it raised £36m through share issues. Three months after the second grant, Reynolds and Mac announced the sale of a stake in the club to Apollo, one of the world’s largest private equity firms.Bloomberg reported that Wrexham was valued as high as £350m. The club then raised another £47.8m in January, according to corporate filings.In the year before it received the £14m grant, Wrexham was able to repay loans worth £10.6m to Ryan Reynolds’s company, according to accounts published last month. It also lost £3.8m from the collapse of Argentex, a currency brokerage that entered special administration in July 2025 because of failed foreign exchange trades.Pritchard, the council leader, said: “The grant represents a small investment compared to what the club will be investing at the Racecourse … In fact, as the club has grown in both stature, ambition and from external investment, the percentage of public investment compared to that of the club has shrunk from roughly 68% of the project costs to around 25% currently.“This demonstrates further value for money in regard to the initial investment from the public purse.”Wrexham AFC said the club is itself making a “significant financial investment with the support of our ownership group and investors”. Accounts published last month show the club has signed a £69.2m contract to build a new stand.The spokesperson said the “funding ensures the facility can be brought up to the required standard to host international sporting events, including international football and rugby matches (as opposed to just meeting domestic football criteria)”

Britain is bracing for its most severe economic contraction in decades, a side‑effect of the United States’ escalating conflict with Iran and the resulting shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz. The British Treasury and the IMF warn that the nation’s growth could be crushed, public confidence in the government is eroding, and the prime minister’s position may become untenable. The original aim of sanctions was to punish hostile states and force leaders like Vladimir Putin to change course. Yet, data shows that in the years following the sanctions, Russia’s growth outpaced that of the United Kingdom. Similarly, the 2010s sanctions on Iran, intended to halt its nuclear programme, appear to have accelerated it, and current measures aimed at toppling the ayatollahs show little prospect of success. The United States now enforces economic restrictions on around 30 countries, including North Korea, Myanmar, Belarus and Afghanistan. Despite the breadth of these measures, the targeted regimes have largely remained in power, indicating a systemic failure of sanctions to destabilise entrenched governments. Beyond their limited impact on regime change, sanctions have unintentionally bolstered the Sino‑Russian trade bloc and driven many nations toward the BRICS alliance, positioning it as a counterweight to the G7. This realignment underscores the counter‑productive nature of the policy. Academic research, such as Nicholas Mulder’s The Economic Weapon, reinforces the historical pattern: except for very small states, trade restrictions are easily circumvented, and authoritarian regimes insulated from democratic pressures are largely immune. Mulder concludes that “the history of sanctions is a history of disappointment,” a sentiment echoed by critics who warn that each new round of sanctions repeats the same mistakes. One of the most damaging side‑effects is the exodus of skilled professionals. Iran, for example, has seen a diaspora of over four million people as of 2021, many of whom belong to the educated middle class that could have fueled internal reform. The brain drain weakens any potential opposition and inadvertently benefits Western economies that absorb this talent. Russia experienced a similar talent flight after the 1990s, when a vibrant civil society briefly flourished. Today, the remaining dissenters face both Kremlin repression and Western ostracism, creating an atmosphere reminiscent of McCarthy‑era loyalty tests. Given these outcomes, the article argues that the West must abandon blunt economic coercion in favour of nuanced, soft‑power strategies. Supporting opposition groups through academic, cultural, and diplomatic channels could nurture the very alternatives that sanctions have helped to erode. In sum, sanctions have proven illiberal and counter‑productive, reinforcing authoritarian borders while draining the human capital needed for genuine change. Restoring constructive relationships with societies like Iran and Russia, rather than relying on punitive trade measures, may offer a more viable path to long‑term stability.

Modern combat has been reshaped by the Russia‑Ukraine war, the Gaza clashes, India‑Pakistan skirmishes and the recent US‑Israel strikes on Iran, driving an unprecedented global appetite for drones, missiles and sophisticated air‑defence systems. Turkey, a leading military power in the Middle East, is positioning itself as a key supplier in this booming market. At the heart of Turkey’s push is Roketsan, a firm founded in 1988 to equip the Turkish Armed Forces. Today the company exports to roughly 50 nations and is counted among the fastest‑growing defence enterprises worldwide. Bypassing Western embargoes has been a catalyst for this growth. After the United States imposed CAATSA sanctions in 2020 and removed Turkey from the F‑35 programme, Ankara was forced to develop an indigenous defence ecosystem. The result is a network of nearly 4,000 small and medium‑sized enterprises that now supplies over 90 % of the components used in Turkish weapons. Financially, the strategy is paying off. In 2025 Turkish defence exports reached $10 billion. Roketsan’s General Manager Murat Ikinci told Al Jazeera the firm sits at 71st place among global defence firms and is targeting a climb into the top 50, then top 20, and ultimately the top 10 by the end of the decade. To fuel this ambition, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan inaugurated a suite of new facilities last week, including: Europe’s largest warhead production plant. A new R&D centre employing 1,000 engineers. The “Kirikkale” complex dedicated to rocket‑fuel research. Infrastructure for mass‑producing ballistic and cruise missiles. The construction represents a $1 billion outlay, with an additional $2 billion earmarked for scaling up production capacity. Roketsan’s R&D engine—the third‑largest in Turkey with 3,200 engineers—draws heavily on lessons from ongoing wars. The Ukraine conflict highlighted the effectiveness of cheap FPV and AI‑guided kamikaze drones, prompting Roketsan to field systems such as the ALKA and BURC air‑defences and the laser‑guided CIRIT missile. Recent US‑Israel operations against Iran have underscored the threat posed by low‑cost Iranian‑designed Shahed drones, now upgraded with Russian “Kometa‑B” anti‑jamming modules. These swarms have overwhelmed regional defences and even struck a British base in Cyprus in March 2026, while NATO intercepted three Iranian ballistic missiles that entered Turkish airspace. In response, Roketsan is advancing the “Tayfun” (Typhoon) missile family. The flagship Tayfun Block 4 is a hypersonic ballistic missile designed to pierce advanced air‑defence layers at extreme speeds. When pressed for specifics, Ikinci declined to disclose the exact range, noting only that it is “sufficient.” Strategically, Turkey is shifting away from Western dependence toward an “Eastern” partnership model. Roketsan now offers joint production and technology‑development agreements, establishing co‑located facilities and R&D centres across the Middle East, Far East and Europe. Qatar has been cited as a flagship example of this collaborative approach. Roketsan has identified five priority product lines to meet rising global demand: Long‑range ballistic and cruise missiles. Advanced air‑defence systems, including “Steel Dome”, Hisar‑A, Hisar‑O and Siper. Submarine‑launched cruise missiles leveraging the AKYA system. Smart micro‑munitions for armed drones. Long‑range air‑to‑air missiles, a capability highlighted by the recent India‑Pakistan clash. The timing is critical. Ongoing conflicts have depleted the stockpiles of high‑end air‑defence assets worldwide. During the US‑Israel‑Iran confrontation, the United States relied heavily on Patriot and THAAD systems, raising concerns that interceptor inventories could run low. Gulf states, which have logged over 1,000 drone sightings in their airspace, are actively seeking alternative solutions—an opening that Turkey’s self‑sufficient supply chain is poised to fill. Analysts warn that even major powers like the United States will need years to rebuild their air‑defence inventories due to the complexity of production. Turkey’s claim of near‑complete domestic manufacturing positions it as a ready supplier for nations eager to diversify away from traditional Western sources. As demand for missiles and drones surges, Roketsan is reinvesting its revenues into expanding production infrastructure, aiming to cement its place among the world’s elite defence exporters.

The Evolution of Observability in the AI EraThe market for IT reliability tools has undergone a significant paradigm shift. The industry has moved past the era of simply tracking everything to a focus on controlling complexity and costs. However, the rapid adoption of AI agents within enterprises has introduced a new, critical category of workload that requires specialized monitoring. InsightFinder, a startup grounded in 15 years of academic research, is capitalizing on this shift by leveraging machine learning to proactively identify and fix issues in IT infrastructure.Diagnosing the 'Black Box' of AI FailuresInsightFinder has officially launched its new product, Autonomous Reliability Insights, designed to tackle the root causes of AI model errors. Unlike traditional tools that focus solely on the model itself, this solution integrates data, model, and infrastructure monitoring to provide a holistic view. The company’s CEO, Helen Gu, a computer science professor at North Carolina State University, explains that the biggest misconception is that AI observability is limited to LLM evaluation during development. In reality, a robust platform must support end-to-end feedback loops covering development, evaluation, and production.Real-World Application: InsightFinder recently helped a major U.S. credit card company resolve a fraud-detection model that was drifting. The issue wasn't the AI model itself, but outdated cache in server nodes.Technical Approach: The platform utilizes a combination of unsupervised machine learning, proprietary large and small language models, predictive AI, and causal inference to analyze data streams.Why InsightFinder's $15M Round Signals a Market ShiftThe $15 million Series B round, led by Yu Galaxy, comes at a time when the observability space is crowded with competitors like Datadog, Dynatrace, and Grafana Labs. However, InsightFinder's financial performance indicates a strong market demand for its specific approach. The company reports revenue growth of over threefold in the past year and secured a seven-figure deal with a Fortune 50 company within three months.Funding Allocation: The capital will be used to expand the team (currently under 30 people) and invest in sales and marketing to scale its go-to-market motion.Total Raised: InsightFinder has now raised a total of $35 million in funding.Bridging the Gap Between Data Science and SREThe core value proposition of InsightFinder lies in its ability to bridge the communication gap between data scientists and site reliability engineers (SREs). While data scientists understand the AI but not the system, and SREs understand the system but not the AI, InsightFinder provides the insights that connect these two worlds. Gu argues that this unique combination of expertise and customizability acts as a significant moat against larger competitors.The Future of Autonomous IT OperationsAs enterprises continue to integrate AI agents into their core workflows, the demand for observability tools that can handle the full stack will only increase. InsightFinder's trajectory suggests that the future of IT operations lies in autonomous remediation—systems that not only detect anomalies but also fix them without human intervention. The company's success with Fortune 50 clients indicates that deep, enterprise-grade integration is the key differentiator in this emerging market.

In the rugged Hindu Kush mountains of eastern Afghanistan, hundreds of men are scouring the rocky Kunar riverbed for precious gold dust, creating a livelihood amid limited economic options.Against the backdrop of towering peaks, some still snow-capped in April, workers labour near the Pakistan border, seeking valuable flecks that could change their fortunes in a country plagued by low wages.Near Kharwalu village in Kunar province – with its mud-brick homes and terraced wheat fields – men excavate dry sections of the riverbed before washing their rocky hauls with river water.Delawar, 45, joined these gold prospectors after leaving his construction job seven hours from his Kabul home. “There are not many job opportunities in the country, and in this way, we have created work for ourselves,” said the father of eight who uses only one name.“The gold nuggets we find are usually smaller than a grain of wheat,” he added.In nearby Ghaziabad, hundreds chip away at the mountainside with picks, carrying heavy sacks down steep slopes to empty onto sieves for gold filtration.Others use yellow jerrycans attached to long wooden handles to pour river water over sieves, allowing smaller, potentially gold-bearing stones to slide onto mats. After two additional siftings, gold nuggets occasionally appear in metal pans.Gul Ahmad Jan, 35, claims the work can be lucrative. “We can get up to about 1gm of gold,” worth approximately 8,000 Afghani ($125) in just one week, he said.Afghanistan’s natural resources remained largely unexploited during decades of conflict, though a Kunar official told the AFP news agency that gold panning has occurred there for more than 10 years.

South African opposition politician Julius Malema has been sentenced to 5 years in prison for firing a rifle in the air at a party rally. Malema, the leader of the far-left opposition Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), was handed the sentence by Magistrate Twanet Olivier on Thursday.Malema was convicted last year of charges, including unlawful possession of a firearm and discharging a weapon in a public place over the 2018 incident at a stadium in the Eastern Cape province.The 45-year-old leader of the fourth-biggest party in parliament had pleaded not guilty, arguing the gun was a toy. His defence said the shots were only intended to be celebratory.“It wasn’t … an impulsive act,” the magistrate said. “It was the event of the evening.”The court sentenced Malema to 5 years for unlawful possession of a firearm and 2 years for unlawful possession of ammunition. It gave him fines for three other offences, including discharging a firearm in a built-up area, with prison time if he doesn’t pay. The sentences will run at the same time.Within minutes of the magistrate’s decision being read out in the court in KuGompo City, Malema’s lawyers applied for leave to appeal – a request that was later granted.Meanwhile, outside the court, hundreds of Malema’s red-clad EFF supporters gathered for the sentencing in the politically charged case.The EFF – a small but vocal party – says the case is an attempt to silence its outspoken leader, who is known for fiery speeches. Party supporters have threatened protests should their leader be jailed.The magistrate stressed it “is not a political party who has been convicted here … it is a person, an individual.”The maximum possible sentence was 15 years in prison. If confirmed after all appeals, Thursday’s 5-year sentence would bar Malema from serving as a lawmaker.That would be a major setback to the EFF, which has strong support among young South Africans frustrated by the racial inequality that has persisted since the end of white minority rule in 1994.

The ongoing conflict between Israel and Iran has led to a substantial increase in global fuel prices, affecting Americans and forcing them to make difficult trade-offs. Many are struggling to access essential items, including medication and groceries, while others are facing financial insecurity and even homelessness.The impact of rising gas prices is being felt across various aspects of life, from accessing essential medicines to facing the brink of homelessness amid an already rising cost of living. For Mandy, a 42-year-old mother in central Utah, higher gas prices have made it harder to visit one of her children, who has disabilities and lives hours away.“Before [Donald] Trump and [Israeli prime minister Benjamin] Netanyahu started their war, gas in my town was $2.70 a gallon. Now it’s $4.19 and I’m terrified it’s going to go closer to $5 before all is said and done. One of our children is disabled and lives in a group home two and a half hours away,” she said.Rising gas prices are also affecting people’s ability to access necessary medication. Lisa, a 56-year-old living with disabilities on a tribal reservation in Oregon, said rising gas prices had disrupted her ability to access necessary medication.“My caregiver and I have had to cut back our trips to pick up my prescriptions, even though they are necessary. Because I live in rural Oregon, the basic necessities are 40 minutes away, so if a doctor calls in an additional prescription after I’ve already been in town for the week, that prescription has to wait for the following week for me to pick it up,” she said.The strain is also being felt by food banks and pantries. Melissa Meyer, chief executive of IPM Food Pantry in Cincinnati, Ohio, said rising gas prices had driven more people to rely on food pantries – even as those same costs strain the operations of local food banks and their volunteers.“Increased gas prices put additional costs on our operations as we must increase gas costs for picking up and delivering food across five counties of south-west Ohio … We are not cutting back our services in any way, yet,” she said.The rising cost of fuel is also having indirect effects, such as impacting small businesses and artists. Cathi Newlin, a 63-year-old ceramic artist in Sacramento, California, who also cares for her husband with Parkinson’s disease, said her income had been hit as consumers pull back.“A substantial portion of our household income is generated from the sale of my art and the classes I teach. These are surely luxury items in any economy but when people have to spend more on basics like gasoline, they don’t have as much money or desire to spend on art. The rise in oil prices very much affects my income and the price of my materials,” Newlin said.