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Russia has announced plans to send a second oil shipment to Cuba as the Caribbean nation continues to face significant challenges due to a crippling US blockade. The announcement was made by Russian Energy Minister Sergei Tsivilev, who stated that the cargo is currently being loaded and will soon be transported to Cuba. The development comes on the heels of a Russian tanker docking in Cuba's Matanzas oil terminal earlier this week, delivering approximately 700,000 barrels of crude oil. This shipment marked the first significant oil delivery to Cuba in nearly three months, and it was made possible by a waiver granted by the US administration for humanitarian reasons. Cuba has been facing weeks of blackouts, fuel rationing, and food shortages due to the US blockade, which was imposed by the Trump administration. The blockade has been described by Cuban officials as 'cruel' and has had a severe impact on the nation's economy and daily life. In response to the crisis, hundreds of people gathered in Havana to protest the US embargo, chanting slogans such as 'Yes to Cuba! No to the blockade!' The protests reflect the growing frustration among Cubans regarding the economic hardships caused by the blockade. Russian Deputy Prime Minister Oscar Perez-Oliva has stated that Havana and Moscow are working to achieve stability in fuel supplies and are making progress in talks aimed at increasing Russian companies' participation in oil exploration and production in Cuba. US President Donald Trump has commented on the issue, stating that he has 'no problem' with Russia sending oil to Cuba, while also expressing his views on Cuba's political situation.

In a scene reminiscent of Henry James’s observation that the only certainty with a young American abroad is surprise, the current US president continues to bewilder European partners with erratic statements.President Trump has publicly ridiculed British Prime Minister Keir Starmer and the Royal Navy as feeble, mocked French President Emmanuel Macron over personal matters, urged allies to secure their own oil supplies, and declared that withdrawing the United States from NATO is "beyond reconsideration". These comments come as the conflict in Iran, ignited by Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, drags on without a clear resolution, fueling his domestic political anxieties.European officials responded not with shock but with weary irritation, noting that Trump’s unpredictability is now a permanent feature of US policy, steering the continent away from the liberal international order. Analysts warn that NATO’s credibility is eroding, turning the alliance into a "paper tiger" even as Russian President Vladimir Putin watches closely.Britain, hoping to serve as a diplomatic conduit between Washington and Brussels, finds its position increasingly precarious. Post‑Brexit economic vulnerabilities and the looming state visit of King Charles to the United States offer little strategic gain and risk becoming a diplomatic embarrassment.Prime Minister Starmer has deliberately avoided direct confrontation with Trump, instead pledging to deepen the United Kingdom’s economic and security ties with the European Union. This shift aims to reassure Labour factions leaning toward the Liberal Democrats and Greens, while also hoping that shared security concerns will coax European capitals into offering more robust economic support.In a world where traditional alliances are fraying, European leaders face mounting pressure to forge genuine security cooperation rather than merely increasing defence spending. The consensus is clear: delay is no longer an option for Europe to secure its own future.

The US labor market demonstrated unexpected strength in March, with employers adding 178,000 jobs, significantly exceeding economists' predictions of around 70,000. This growth comes after a revised report showed that the economy lost 133,000 jobs in February, a worse figure than initially stated. The unemployment rate decreased to 4.3%, according to data from the US Bureau of Labor Statistics. The job figures for January were revised upward from 126,000 to 160,000. With these revisions, total employment in January and February is 7,000 lower than previously reported. Despite the positive March numbers, the overall trend in the US jobs market has been sluggish since last year. In 2025, only 116,000 jobs were added to the economy for the entire year, which is roughly the same number added per month in previous years. The slowdown in hiring is attributed to caution among employers, particularly due to consumer inflation experiencing fluctuations over the last year. US inflation dipped to 2.3% in April 2025 before rising to 3% in September. Since the start of this year, price increases have remained steady at 2.4%. The ongoing US-Israel war with Iran is expected to drive inflation higher if the situation escalates. The labor market's uncertainty is also reflected in the 'quits rate,' which fell to 1.9%, the lowest since 2020. This suggests that workers are choosing to stay in their current jobs due to uncertainty in the labor market. Adding to the economic pressure, US average gas prices recently surpassed $4 a gallon, and experts warn that every $10 increase in the price of a barrel of oil can lead to a 0.2% climb in inflation, reminiscent of the price shocks seen in 2022 following Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

The global energy landscape is facing a significant challenge: meeting the increasing demand for energy while reducing carbon emissions. As the world grapples with this dilemma, Russia's role in bridging the global energy gap has become a topic of interest. With its vast energy resources, Russia has the potential to play a crucial role in ensuring global energy security. The country's energy sector is a significant contributor to its economy, and its exports of oil, natural gas, and other energy commodities are essential to meeting the energy needs of many countries. However, Russia's ability to fill the global energy gap depends on various factors, including its production capacity, investment in the energy sector, and geopolitical relationships with other countries. As the global energy market continues to evolve, Russia's role in shaping the future of energy production and consumption will be closely watched.

The United Nations‑backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF) announced on Wednesday that its first foreign troops have landed in Haiti, signalling a new phase in the international effort to tame the country’s spiralling gang warfare.An advance team of soldiers from Chad arrived in Port‑au‑Prince, accompanied by Jack Christofides, a South African UN official appointed to lead the mission’s operations on the ground.The deployment is the initial step of a force slated to expand to 5,500 personnel with a 12‑month mandate. The GSF was authorized by the UN Security Council last September as a replacement for the earlier Kenyan‑led multinational security mission, which has struggled with funding shortfalls, insufficient manpower and limited institutional backing.Unlike its predecessor, which was limited to supporting Haitian police, the new force will have the authority to make arrests and conduct direct operations against groups designated as gangs. The concept was first put forward by the United States and Panama to “neutralise, isolate and deter” criminal networks.During the Security Council vote, twelve members voted in favour of the force, while China, Russia and Pakistan abstained. Russia’s representative, Vassily Nebenzia, criticised the plan as “rushed” and warned that its broad language could enable abuses, noting that the mandate permits the use of force against anyone labelled a gang.Haiti’s recent history of foreign intervention adds a layer of sensitivity to the deployment. Past UN peacekeeping missions have been linked to a cholera outbreak that claimed roughly 10,000 lives after the 2010 earthquake, and UN personnel have faced accusations of sexual assault in earlier decades.Gang control has tightened dramatically since the 2021 assassination of President Jovenel Moïse. Analysts estimate that up to 90 % of Port‑au‑Prince is now under gang influence, with around 26 criminal groups operating in the capital. The UN estimates that at least 16,000 people have been killed since 2022 and that more than 1.5 million have been displaced, many facing food insecurity. A recent human‑rights report recorded 5,519 gang‑related deaths and 2,608 injuries between March 2025 and mid‑January 2026, alongside reports of extrajudicial killings and sexual violence.The arrival of the GSF coincides with Haiti’s tentative steps toward a national election scheduled for August, where roughly 300 political parties and groups have registered. Acting Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils‑Aime has recently met with UN officials to discuss the new force’s role in stabilising the country ahead of the vote.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

UK drivers are being urged to hunt for the cheapest petrol as they prepare for an estimated 21.7 million journeys over the Easter bank‑holiday weekend – the busiest on the roads since 2022. Data from the RAC shows that the average price of a litre of unleaded petrol jumped 20p in March, rising from 132.83p on 1 April to 152.83p on 31 April. This is the fastest monthly increase on record, eclipsing the previous high of 16.6p recorded in June 2022 after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. RAC policy chief Simon Williams called the rise “unprecedented” but stressed that travellers should fill up as usual and seek the cheapest forecourts nearby ahead of the holiday rush. To ease congestion, National Highways will temporarily suspend 1,500 miles (2,400 km) of roadworks on motorways and major A‑roads in England from Thursday through Easter Monday. The AA predicts this will accommodate roughly 1 million additional trips compared with last year, with traffic expected to peak on Thursday when schools break up. Analysts warn that the sharp fuel‑price surge may curb spending on trips. Susannah Streeter, chief investment strategist at the Wealth Club, noted that shorter journeys and fewer on‑the‑road purchases, such as chocolate treats, are likely. AA survey data shows that just over half of travellers plan to drive less than 50 miles, 5 % expect journeys of 50‑100 miles, about 1 % aim for 100‑200 miles, and fewer than 1 % anticipate trips beyond 200 miles. Rail disruptions are set to push more motorists onto the motorways. Engineering works will suspend west‑coast mainline services between London Euston and Milton Keynes from Good Friday to 8 April, and there will be no trains on several routes—including Preston to Lancaster (4‑5 April), Winchester to Southampton, and Herne Bay to Ramsgate—while services between London Waterloo and Clapham Junction will be reduced. Despite domestic challenges, the travel trade body ABTA estimates that 2 million UK residents will travel abroad this weekend. EasyJet is gearing up for its busiest Easter period yet, planning to operate 16,000 flights from UK airports over the two‑week school break. Passengers heading to the European Union should also prepare for potential two‑hour delays due to the rollout of the EU’s Entry‑Exit System, which requires third‑country nationals, including UK travellers, to submit photographs and fingerprints before entering the Schengen area.

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.

Marine archaeologists from Denmark’s Viking Ship Museum announced the discovery of the Dannebroge, the Danish flagship that was destroyed by Admiral Horatio Nelson during the Battle of Copenhagen in 1801. The wreck lies 15 metres (49 feet) below the surface of Copenhagen harbour, buried in thick silt that offers almost zero visibility.Divers working in the murky conditions described the operation as a “race against time” because the site will soon be covered by Lynetteholm, a massive housing development slated for completion by 2070. The excavation, which began late last year, targets the exact spot where historical records place the Dannebroge’s final moments.Among the artefacts recovered are two cannons, period uniforms, insignia, shoes, bottles, and a fragment of a sailor’s lower jaw – possibly belonging to one of the 19 crew members still unaccounted for. “When a cannonball hits a ship, the splinters are the real danger, like grenade debris,” explained marine archaeologist Morten Johansen, underscoring the brutal conditions aboard wooden warships.The 48‑metre (157‑foot) vessel was Nelson’s primary target. Intense cannon fire ripped through its upper deck, and incendiary shells ignited a devastating fire that eventually caused the ship to explode, producing a roar heard across Copenhagen.Experts confirmed the wreck’s identity through dendrochronological dating, which matched the wood’s tree‑ring pattern to the year the Dannebroge was built. The size and shape of the recovered timbers also correspond with contemporary ship plans.Historical context: the 1801 battle was part of Britain’s effort to force Denmark out of a northern alliance with Russia, Prussia and Sweden. After a fierce exchange, Nelson offered a truce, and a cease‑fire was negotiated with Denmark’s Crown Prince Frederik.Marine archaeologist Marie Jonsson described the challenging dive conditions: “Sometimes you can’t see anything; you have to feel your way and rely on your fingers rather than your eyes.” The site remains littered with cannonballs, posing additional hazards for divers navigating the silt‑filled waters.The find not only enriches Denmark’s national narrative—often depicted in paintings and literature—but also provides a rare, tangible link to a pivotal moment in European naval history, just as modern development threatens to erase the physical remnants of that past.