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Israeli air and ground attacks on Lebanon on Sunday claimed at least 14 lives, including four civilians in Beirut’s southern suburbs and ten people in the south, among them a family of six. The strikes also left 39 wounded in the Jnah neighbourhood, just 100 metres from the Rafik Hariri University Hospital, Lebanon’s largest public medical centre. The violence follows a broader Israeli campaign launched on 2 March after Hezbollah fired rockets in response to the U.S.–Israel war on Iran. Since then, Israel has combined aerial bombardments, drone strikes and a limited ground incursion into southern Lebanon. Hezbollah announced on Sunday that it had fired a cruise missile at an Israeli warship stationed 126 km off the Lebanese coast, a claim that the Israeli military has not confirmed. In a separate statement, the Israeli defence forces said they had begun targeting “Hezbollah infrastructure sites” in Beirut’s southern suburbs, though they provided no public evidence of the alleged targets. On Saturday, Israel warned it would strike the Masnaa border crossing – the main trade gateway between Lebanon and Syria. The Lebanese side evacuated the post, and the Syrian authority, represented by Mazen Aloush of the General Authority for Borders and Customs, stressed that the crossing is “exclusively for civilian use” and announced a temporary suspension of traffic. According to Lebanese officials, Israeli attacks since early March have resulted in over 1,400 deaths, including 126 children, and have displaced more than 1.2 million people. In the southern town of Kfar Hatta, an Israeli strike killed seven individuals, among them a four‑year‑old girl and a Lebanese soldier, prompting a forced evacuation order for the area. Lebanese President Joseph Aoun used a televised address to urge renewed negotiations with Israel, pleading to spare the remaining homes in the south from the level of destruction witnessed in Gaza. These developments underscore the escalating humanitarian toll and the strategic pressure on Lebanon’s critical border infrastructure amid an already volatile regional conflict.

Bangladesh’s Ministry of Health and Family Welfare disclosed that a suspected measles outbreak has killed at least 98 children in the past three weeks, prompting an urgent escalation of vaccination efforts in Dhaka’s hardest‑hit districts.Prime Minister Tarique Rahman ordered two senior ministers to tour the nation’s 170 million residents, assess the crisis’s scale, and coordinate a rapid response.Official data released on Sunday show that 6,476 children aged six months to five years exhibited measles‑like symptoms, while 826 cases have been laboratory‑confirmed with 16 confirmed deaths. Health officials note that many cases go untested, meaning the true toll could be higher.According to Halimur Rashid, director of Communicable Disease Control, “Compared with past years, the number of affected children is higher, and the death toll is higher too.” He attributes the surge to multifactorial causes, including a shortage of vaccines.World Health Organization (WHO) records indicate the highest number of suspected measles cases in Bangladesh was 25,934 in 2005. After a long decline, this year’s figures represent a stark reversal.Measles remains one of the world’s most contagious diseases, spreading through coughs and sneezes. While it can affect any age group, children under five are most vulnerable to severe complications such as brain swelling and respiratory failure. WHO estimates up to 95,000 measles deaths globally each year, primarily among unvaccinated or under‑vaccinated children.Bangladesh has previously achieved notable progress in immunisation, yet a scheduled measles‑vaccination drive for June 2024 was postponed after a violent uprising that ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Consequently, many children—some as young as six months—missed the routine nine‑month vaccine dose.Mahmudur Rahman, chief of the National Verification Committee of Measles and Rubella, acknowledged the missed target of eliminating measles deaths by December 2025, citing “poor vaccination programmes.”In response, Dhaka has identified 30 districts with the highest case numbers and launched an emergency vaccination campaign. Health Minister Sardar Shakhawat Hossain Bakul pledged that the drive will first cover the “worst affected areas” before expanding nationwide.Public‑health expert Tajul Islam A Bari, a former official of the Expanded Programme on Immunisation, warned that although funds were allocated for vaccine procurement, the government failed to secure the doses, leading to the current “scary” situation.With no specific treatment for measles once contracted, the focus remains on accelerating vaccine delivery, improving surveillance, and preventing further loss of young lives.

Israeli forces have launched a series of attacks on southern Lebanon, resulting in the deaths of at least two children and injuring 40 people, according to Lebanese health officials. The Ministry of Public Health reported that an Israeli strike on Habbush killed two girls and wounded 22 people on Saturday. In a separate incident, an attack on al-Hawsh near Tyre wounded 18 people, including a child, three women, and three paramedics. The strike also damaged a nearby major hospital, the Lebanese Italian Hospital, which despite the damage, will remain open to provide necessary medical care. The violence escalated as Israeli forces continued their ground invasion, blowing up houses in several southern front-line villages and towns, including Aita al-Shaab and Ramyah, and bombing bridges linking Samar with Mashghara, claiming they were being used by Hezbollah. The bombing of bridges and civilian infrastructure across southern Lebanon has been widely condemned, with rights groups warning that Israel appears to be trying to isolate the region. At least 1,368 people have been killed in Lebanon and 4,138 wounded in these attacks, which have also displaced more than one million people. Despite the continued offensive, experts believe that Israel is unlikely to achieve its stated goal of disarming Hezbollah. Hezbollah maintains depth in Lebanon's Bekaa Valley and southern Lebanon, and even if Israel manages to push the group out of these areas, it would not necessarily mean that it would have eliminated Hezbollah entirely.

Jeffrey Stephen Wigand, a biochemist who helped reveal how tobacco companies targeted children and hid the addictive nature of cigarettes, has been drawing parallels between the tobacco industry and social media companies. Wigand, who played a crucial role in the landmark tobacco trials of the 1990s, believes that social media companies have similarly designed their products to be addictive, particularly targeting children.The recent verdict in a major social media trial, which found Meta and YouTube liable for their role in creating addictive products, has strengthened comparisons to the legal crackdown on big tobacco. Wigand sees it as a similar situation, where companies prioritize profits over people's well-being. He notes that both industries use advertisements to target children, with social media companies using data to create addictive algorithms.Wigand's experience in the tobacco industry informs his perspective on social media. He was hired by Brown & Williamson (B&W;) in 1989 to develop a safer cigarette but was fired after raising concerns about carcinogenic substances in cigarettes. He then publicly declared that the tobacco industry was a 'nicotine delivery business' and helped the federal government in its investigations.Wigand believes that social media companies, like tobacco companies, intentionally addict people, especially children, to generate revenue. He emphasizes that brain development in children makes them vulnerable to addiction, and that social media companies exploit this vulnerability.The tobacco industry faced significant reforms and financial penalties following Wigand's whistleblowing. He hopes that similar actions will be taken against social media companies, including putting guardrails on access for children and holding companies accountable for their role in creating harm. Wigand's message to tech workers considering becoming whistleblowers is to carefully weigh the personal costs and prepare for the challenges that come with speaking out.

Prime Minister Keir Starmer seized the launch of a new package of workers’ rights, due to take effect on Monday, to launch a direct attack on the Green Party and Reform UK. He warned that supporting any rival would place recent gains in sick pay, parental leave and the curbing of zero‑hours contracts in jeopardy. Speaking ahead of the May 7 local elections, Starmer framed Labour’s agenda as the only one offering a "serious, credible economic strategy" capable of delivering the reforms. He dismissed business critics as "vested interests" who had warned against the measures. The reforms include several headline‑making changes: the two‑child benefit cap is lifted – a demand long championed by child‑poverty advocates – and the government touts this as one of its proudest achievements. A 4.8% rise in the state pension will raise weekly payments to £241.30, while the standard allowance for Universal Credit climbs by 2.3%. Under the Employment Rights Act 2025, statutory sick pay becomes a right from the first day of illness, and workers will be entitled to paternity and unpaid parental leave immediately upon starting a job. These "day‑one rights" are presented as the most significant strengthening of workers’ protections in a generation. Labour is positioning these policies as a bulwark against potential losses in English council and mayoral contests, where it faces challenges from Reform on the right and the Greens on the left. Recent YouGov data placed the Greens and Reform each at 21%** of voting intention, with Labour trailing at **17%**. Starmer’s rhetoric signals a leftward shift within Labour, amid pressure from potential leadership rivals such as Angela Rayner and Andy Burnham. He acknowledged past opposition from business leaders who warned of costs and disruption, but asserted that Labour chose to stand with "working people". Not all left‑wing allies are satisfied. Unite’s General Secretary Sharon Graham criticised the Employment Rights Act as "a shell of its former self," while the union recently slashed its membership fees to Labour over disputes like the Birmingham bin strike. The Conservative Party, represented by Kemi Badenoch, condemned the removal of the two‑child benefit cap, claiming it would cost billions and "reward worklessness". Government analysis estimates the change will channel at least £1 billion annually to 186,000 work‑less households, with a typical family of two unemployed adults and three children seeing a **£6,400** income boost. The bulk of the benefit is projected to flow to a handful of cities – Leeds, Manchester, Birmingham, Bradford and Glasgow – each set to receive over **£200 million** per year. Starmer likened the current reforms to the Blair government’s introduction of the minimum wage 27 years ago, positioning them as a historic step forward for the UK labour market.

The UK government has introduced a series of landmark reforms aimed at supporting working people, pensioners, and children. On Monday, the biggest strengthening of workers' rights in a generation comes into force, granting workers day-one rights to statutory sick pay and paternity leave. The government is increasing the state pension, putting more money in the pockets of millions of people who have worked hard all their lives. Additionally, the two-child benefit cap has been abolished, lifting nearly half a million children out of poverty. Prime Minister Keir Starmer emphasized that these choices were made in the face of opposition, but the government chose to stand up for working people. The reforms aim to provide greater security at work and stronger protections against rising costs. Keir Starmer highlighted the importance of these choices, stating that the test of any government is not what it promises, but whose side it is on when it matters most. The government aims to build a stronger Britain for all by supporting working people.

When screenwriter Daisy Goodwin examined Prince Albert’s habit of selecting Victoria’s bonnets, she wondered whether the gesture signified tender devotion or a more unsettling dominance. The question becomes the backbone of her new stage drama, which recasts the iconic Victorian marriage as a case of coercive control rather than a model partnership. Set in the waning days of Victoria’s reign at Windsor, the production opens with Amanda Boxer portraying an aging monarch—a weary, self‑pitying figure cloaked in black bombazine. Her character, a compulsive diarist, fears that her candid journals might be released after her death, a concern that fuels the play’s tension. Designer Alex Berry creates a slanted, reflective ceiling that acts like a distorted mirror of memory, underscoring Victoria’s claim that her diaries are “the only place where I could be completely honest”. Yet the presence of Albert, played by Rowan Polonski, suggests that even these private pages were never truly safe. Jessica Rhodes brings youthful Victoria to life, initially buoyant as she waltzes with Albert. The romance quickly darkens as Albert’s behavior shifts to manipulating her ambitions and curbing her joy. He pressures her into motherhood—she dismisses the children as “invincibly tedious”—and intrudes on her official duties, from speeches to industrial tours. In a biting line, she accuses him of making “the monarchy so boring that no one was awake enough to start a revolution”. The play’s narrative moves from teasing banter to overt control, with intimate moments on the sofa devolving into fierce arguments over gifts (“You gave me a brooch made of teeth, Albert!”). A poignant scene where Victoria reads from Jane Eyre hints at a gothic destiny that Goodwin imagines Albert may have plotted. While Goodwin’s empathy clearly leans toward Victoria, the production also raises contemporary expectations of royalty, suggesting that public service—not romantic idealisation—should define modern monarchs. Director Sophie Drake’s brisk pacing navigates the play’s contradictions, ultimately unsettling the long‑held myth of a contented, untroubled royal household. The production runs at the Watermill Theatre in Newbury until 9 May, offering audiences a fresh, critical lens on a celebrated historical partnership.

In a heartwarming story of turning grief into passion, a German couple, Inka and Ralph Orth, have transformed their sorrow into a thriving patisserie, Patisserie Johanna, named after their daughter Johanna, who tragically passed away in a flood disaster.Johanna, a 22-year-old with a passion for baking, had completed her training as a certified master patissière and was about to open her own shop when her life was cut short in the 2021 Ahr valley flood in western Germany. The disaster claimed over 220 lives, and Johanna's body was found two days later in a parking garage.The Orths, who ran a residence for senior citizens that was destroyed in the flood, were left with unbearable grief. However, Inka found solace in baking, enrolling in a pastry academy and discovering a new passion. She met Marcel Reinhardt, a talented fellow student, and together they formed a business partnership that would become Patisserie Johanna.The patisserie, located in Hamburg's Unesco-listed warehouse district, has become a sensation, with an expanding team and a growing customer base. The shop is adorned with portraits of Johanna, and the couple's daughter is present in every aspect of the business. A lifesize bronze sculpture depicts Johanna with her beloved cat, and the shop's logo features a butterfly, a symbol associated with their daughter's enduring presence.Patisserie Johanna has become a pilgrimage site for parents who have lost children, with many visiting to deposit flowers or simply to connect with the Orths. The couple's story serves as a testament to the power of turning grief into something positive and celebrating the life of their beloved daughter.

When Corentin Roudaut arrived in Paris a decade ago, he swapped his student‑era bike for a car, daunted by the city’s traffic and lack of cyclist protection. After a protected lane opened on Boulevard Voltaire in the 11th arrondissement, he reclaimed his two‑wheel commute and now volunteers with the cycling advocacy group Paris en Selle, witnessing a city that has shed its car‑centric image.Roudaut notes that the shift “started slowly but really accelerated in the last ten years,” with a growing network of bike routes that is becoming safe and nearly complete in many districts.Mayor Anne Hidalgo’s 12‑year agenda reshaped Paris’s urban fabric. Since taking office in 2014, her administration planted 155,000 trees, created several hundred kilometres of segregated bike lanes, pedestrianised 300 school streets, and banned cars from the banks of the Seine. Former parking spaces have been turned into green plazas and café terraces, reducing the risk of children being hit while walking to school.As Hidalgo departs on Sunday, her legacy is touted as a blueprint for progressive European cities, especially as some national governments retreat from green initiatives.Nevertheless, the reforms have sparked pushback. Motorists object to the loss of road space, and recent referendums on higher parking charges for SUVs and further school‑street pedestrianisation suffered low voter turnouts. Right‑wing mayoral candidate Rachida Dati described the new public‑space regime as “anxiety‑inducing,” though she stopped short of promising a reversal.In a candid interview, Hidalgo described the Seine‑bank pedestrianisation as “a tough battle” that, once won, left residents reluctant to revert to car traffic. She highlighted a generation of children who have never known cars on those riverbanks, prompting awe‑filled reactions from visitors.Urban scholars attribute the rapid change to Paris’s tight administrative boundaries, which limit suburban influence on city transport decisions, and to groundwork laid by previous mayors. Yet they stress that political courage was essential to implement measures that inconvenienced drivers while delivering social and environmental benefits.Environmental epidemiologist Audrey de Nazelle of Imperial College London, a Paris native, praised the transformation as “fabulous” and warned that many cities lack the bravery to pursue similar legacies.A recent report placed Paris among 19 global cities that cut two major toxic air pollutants between 2010 and 2024. While Brussels and Warsaw saw faster declines in fine‑particle matter, London outpaced Paris in reducing nitrogen‑dioxide levels.By contrast, Berlin—despite opening a new inner‑city motorway and scrapping 30 km/h speed limits on key streets—still records a higher share of cyclists than Paris.Transport researcher Giulio Mattioli argues that Paris simply needed to add bike lanes to unlock latent demand, noting that the city started from a lower baseline but quickly caught up with peers.However, the transformation remains uneven. The extensive suburbs continue to be dominated by cars, hemmed in by the 35 km Boulevard Périphérique ring road. Analyst Jean‑Louis Missika of think‑tank Terra Nova stresses that “as long as this motorway encircles Paris, the Greater Paris metropolis will remain an administrative construct devoid of urban reality.” He calls for dismantling or repurposing the ring road to achieve a truly post‑car metropolis.