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A sharp political row has ignited between the central government in Madrid and the Basque regional authorities over a request to display Picasso’s Guernica at the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao from 1 October to 30 June, coinciding with the 90th anniversary of the town’s devastating aerial attack.The masterpiece has been housed in Madrid’s Reina Sofía museum since 1992, and previous appeals to relocate it to the Basque Country have been consistently rejected.The latest demand has seen Isabel Díaz Ayuso, the outspoken conservative president of the Community of Madrid, and Aitor Esteban, leader of the Basque nationalist party, exchange barbed remarks, each accusing the other of a “provincial” outlook.Ayuso argued that moving the painting “doesn’t make sense” and quipped that, if origin mattered, “all of Picasso’s works should be sent to Málaga,” the artist’s birthplace. She also warned that the Reina Sofía fears the relocation could damage the delicate canvas.Esteban shot back, suggesting that Ayuso’s notion of national identity was reduced to “drinking beer on a terrace bar,” a jab at her stance on keeping Madrid’s bars open during the pandemic.Basque president Imanol Pradales challenged the Spanish government’s resolve, asking whether it could muster the courage to move Guernica after having “dragged Franco out of his tomb.” He framed the decision as a test of political will.The Basque administration proposes to exhibit the work at the Guggenheim for eight months, framing the display as a tribute to the victims of the 1937 bombing of the town of Guernica.The black‑and‑white canvas captures the horror of the attack carried out by the German Condor Legion and the Italian air force on 26 April 1937, an early example of strategic aerial bombardment of civilians during the Spanish Civil War.Casualty estimates for the raid vary widely—from as few as 126 to as many as 1,654 dead—yet the painting has become an enduring global symbol of the atrocities of war.After its debut at the 1937 Paris International Exposition, Guernica toured Europe and the United States. Picasso, who opposed its return to Spain under Franco’s dictatorship, later allowed it to reside at New York’s Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) for several decades.Art historian Francisco Chaparro cautioned that, while the Spanish government cannot entirely rule out a move, the risk of damage must outweigh any political motivations. He likened the situation to the Mona Lisa’s permanent stay at the Louvre and Velázquez’s *Las Meninas* at the Prado, noting that Guernica has been “rolled and unrolled on numerous occasions.”Artist José Manuel Ballester reminded observers that Picasso himself had envisioned the painting hanging in the Prado, a position he never assumed during the civil war.In 2000, the Reina Sofía rejected a request from MoMA to loan Guernica, declaring that the “great icon of our museum must remain, without exception, separate from the policy on lending works to other museums.”Note: The article was amended on 7 April 2026 to include the German Condor Legion alongside the Italian air force in describing the 1937 bombing.

The risograph printer, a Japanese innovation from the 1980s, has captured the hearts of artists and creatives globally. This compact machine, produced by Riso Kagaku, allows for small print runs with a distinctive, handmade feel.Gabriella Marcella, a Scottish-Italian designer, fell in love with the risograph while studying at New York's Pratt Institute. She now curates Riso Club, a non-profit program promoting artists who use risographs. The club sends postcards featuring work from international cities, showcasing the riso community's global reach.The exhibition at Glasgow's Glue Factory Galleries celebrates the Riso Club's 100th issue with works from design heroes like Nathalie Du Pasquier and Peter Shire. Marcella hopes to demonstrate that design can be accessible, social, and connect people through print.Artists like Mari Kinovych and Kinda Ghannoum have used the risograph to showcase their cities, Kyiv and Damascus, in a unique and personal way. The risograph's political roots and ability to produce affordable prints have made it a staple in the art world.

Oil prices have skyrocketed to more than $110 a barrel following Donald Trump's threat of military action against Iran. The international benchmark for oil prices, Brent crude, rose by 1% to $111 a barrel, while New York light crude jumped 2.6% to $115.3 a barrel. Investors are growing increasingly anxious as Trump escalates his threats against Iran, demanding it reopen the Strait of Hormuz as part of any deal to stop the war. The president set a deadline of Tuesday 8pm ET (1am BST Wednesday) for Iran to agree to a deal with Washington or face fresh attacks on civil infrastructure, including power plants. “The entire country can be taken out in one night, and that night might be tomorrow night,” Trump said. He emphasized that passage through the Strait – a vital shipping channel through which a fifth of the world’s oil and gas supplies normally pass – was a “very big priority” and should be part of any ceasefire deal. Global stock markets have been choppy since the US-Israel attack on Iran in February, as the effective closure of the Strait of Hormuz has fed fears around inflation and rattled investor confidence. On Monday, Kristalina Georgieva, the head of the International Monetary Fund, warned that the war is likely to lead to higher inflation and slower global growth. Georgieva told Reuters that before the war began, the IMF had expected a small upgrade in its expectation for global growth of 3.3% in 2026 and 3.2% in 2027. Instead, she said, “all roads now lead to higher prices and slower growth”. The IMF is expected to publish its report on the world economic outlook next week.

Universal Music Group (UMG), the world's largest music company, has received a takeover offer from billionaire Bill Ackman's hedge fund, Pershing Square. The deal values UMG at over €50bn (£44bn). Pershing Square, based in New York, has offered a cash and stock deal to acquire the business, which is home to renowned artists such as Taylor Swift and Elton John.Ackman stated that while UMG, led by British-born Sir Lucian Grainge, has done an excellent job in nurturing its artist roster and generating strong business performance, its share price has lagged due to issues unrelated to the performance of its music business. He specifically mentioned the delay in UMG's US listing, underutilization of its balance sheet, and uncertainty around the French conglomerate Bolloré Group's 18% stake in the company.Shares in UMG, listed in Amsterdam since 2021, have lost more than a quarter of their value in the past year. The company is one of the 'big three' record labels, alongside Sony Music Entertainment and Warner Music Group, with a diverse roster ranging from classical music to stars like Adele, Drake, and Ariana Grande.Ackman also cited a 'lack of investor credit' in the company's valuation of its €2.7bn stake in the music streaming service, Spotify. Pershing Square, which Ackman established in 2004, controls over $26bn in assets and bought a 10% stake in UMG in 2021.As part of the proposed deal, Pershing Square would add Michael Ovitz, a veteran talent agent, as chair, along with two representatives from Pershing Square to UMG's board. The deal would also involve a new employment contract and compensation arrangement for Sir Lucian Grainge. Under the terms, UMG would merge with a blank-cheque company set up by Pershing Square and then list on the New York Stock Exchange. Shareholders would receive a total of €9.4bn in cash and 0.77 shares in the new company for every Universal share they own, representing a 78% premium compared to the company's closing share price on Thursday.

President Donald Trump opened the traditional Easter Egg Roll on the White House South Lawn alongside a child dressed in a giant bunny costume, before turning the event into a platform for a stark Iran warning to a room of reporters. Hours later, the president entered a packed briefing room flanked by Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth. The press conference highlighted the recent rescue of a U.S. airman whose jet was downed by Iran, a mission Trump praised as "genius" and likened to a Hollywood production. Amid the celebration, Trump shifted focus to a $1.5 trillion Pentagon budget request he had submitted the previous week, emphasizing military spending while domestic programs face cuts. In a chilling turn, the president warned that the United States could "take out the entire country in one night" by targeting Iran’s bridges and power plants, a threat he framed as a potential path to freedom for the Iranian people. He claimed, without evidence, that Iranians would accept such suffering to topple their regime. When a reporter cited the Geneva Conventions, Trump dismissed the concern, questioning the journalist’s affiliation and mocking the New York Times for its declining circulation. Trump also hinted at personal profit, stating, "I'm a businessman first" when asked about seizing Iranian oil, and invoked a quasi‑religious narrative, saying, "God was watching us" during the Easter festivities. Defence Secretary Hegseth, known for his ties to Christian nationalism, likened the rescue to a resurrection, describing the timeline from the aircraft’s downing on Good Friday to its recovery on Easter Sunday as a "pilot reborn". Critics on social media and within Congress have labeled Trump’s rhetoric as "insane" and "dangerous," urging the cabinet to consider the 25th Amendment to assess his fitness for office. The president brushed off mental‑health concerns, suggesting that if his condition were an issue, "you’ll need more people like me." Recent weeks have seen Trump make contradictory statements: first denying the strategic importance of the Strait of Hormuz, then threatening escalation; first boasting of air superiority after a U.S. fighter was shot down, then claiming the war is already won. These erratic pronouncements have heightened worries that the nation’s nuclear launch authority may be in the hands of a leader whose public behavior resembles the "Mad Hatter" of Lewis Carroll’s classic.

Utah has enacted a law that effectively shields fossil fuel companies from legal accountability for climate damages. The legislation, signed by Republican Governor Spencer Cox, limits the ability of residents to sue these companies for their role in contributing to climate change. The new law is part of a broader effort by the fossil fuel industry and its allies to secure legal immunity in statehouses and Congress. This push is aimed at countering a wave of litigation filed by states, subnational governments, and individuals who claim that fossil fuel companies knew their products would cause climate damages but sold them anyway. Critics argue that the law prioritizes profits for the biggest polluters over communities already suffering from climate impacts. The law requires challengers to provide 'clear and convincing evidence' that damage or injury has resulted directly from a violation, making it virtually impossible to successfully sue polluters for climate damages. The legislation was sponsored by Republican Representative Carl Albrecht, who has received funding from oil and gas interests. Albrecht's ties to the industry have raised concerns about the bill's motivations. The law closely mirrors a model policy called the Energy Freedom Act, circulated by the conservative group Consumers Defense, which has financial ties to a group linked to Leonard Leo, a key figure in the far-right takeover of the Supreme Court. The passage of Utah's law comes as climate lawsuits against big oil companies are inching closer to trial. Seventy cities, states, and individuals have sued energy majors for allegedly deceiving the public about the climate crisis. New York and Vermont have also passed climate 'superfund' laws requiring major polluters to pay for damages caused by their past planet-heating pollution. Lawmakers and advocates have amassed evidence that oil companies intentionally covered up the climate harms of their products. Climate science continues to warn that fossil fuels are the primary cause of dangerous global warming. Critics argue that the fossil fuel industry is pushing for immunity because it knows it cannot win on the merits of its case.

Thousands of independent UK businesses are preparing for heating‑oil expenses to more than double after the Iran war sent Europe’s fuel markets to fresh record highs.Roughly 7% of all small and medium‑sized enterprises (SMEs) heat their premises with oil, and in many rural locations the figure climbs to about 17%, according to the Federation of Small Businesses (FSB), which represents around 200,000 firms and sole traders.With many rural firms off the gas grid, they depend on heating oil—a kerosene derivative linked to jet‑fuel prices. Prices have surged dramatically: a supplier charged 54.9p per litre in January and demanded 129p per litre by late March, a rise of 116%. One hotel and restaurant owner in North Yorkshire, Anthony Jenkins, reported that his annual oil bill, normally around £3,000, is now unaffordable.Jenkins said he has cut fuel usage by half and is asking guests to lower radiator settings rather than open windows. He also hopes to shift to solar‑heated water as daylight hours increase.The FSB has urged the UK competition watchdog to extend its probe of the heating‑oil market to include SMEs, noting that the same shock has lifted North‑west European jet fuel to $1,900 per tonne and diesel to $1,600 per tonne, according to Argus.Trade bodies warn that the volatility creates a fertile environment for rogue energy brokers who may push small firms into unfavorable long‑term contracts. Tina McKenzie, policy chair of the FSB, stressed the need for stricter broker regulations, noting that many SMEs lack the bargaining power of larger corporations.Small businesses also miss out on the government’s household energy‑price cap and other consumer protections, despite their energy usage resembling that of households. McKenzie added that the market’s rapid evolution leaves many firms “nervous and vulnerable”.Proposals to tighten broker oversight, including tighter scrutiny by Ofgem, are pending new legislation. An Ofgem spokesperson said the regulator has reminded suppliers and brokers to “treat customers fairly, prioritize transparent pricing and good consumer outcomes”, acknowledging the “concerning volatility” caused by the Middle‑East conflict.

Elvira Notari—Italy’s first and most prolific female filmmaker—crafted a vivid portrait of early‑20th‑century Naples through melodramas such as È piccerella (1922). The film opens with bustling pilgrimage scenes at the Candelora festival, juxtaposing flamboyant revelry with stark images of poverty, a visual strategy that challenged the sanitized narratives favored by the fascist regime.According to film scholar Giuliana Bruno, Notari’s work was driven by a desire to document reality, exposing class tensions and gendered oppression that Mussolini’s censors deemed unacceptable. A 1928 censorship law explicitly banned Neapolitan films featuring “stallholders, beggars, urchins, dirty alleyways,” effectively silencing Notari’s authentic street‑level storytelling.Despite directing around 60 feature films—many hand‑coloured—alongside her husband Nicola at Dora Film, only three titles (A Santanotte, È piccerella, Fantasia ‘e surdato) and fragments survive today, a loss directly attributable to fascist suppression and the prohibitive cost of sound‑film conversion.The newly released documentary Elvira Notari: Beyond Silence, produced by Antonella Di Nocera and directed by Valerio Ciriaci, reconstructs Notari’s fragmented career by collaborating with contemporary “artisans”—photographers, visual artists, novelists, and musicians who reinterpret her silent‑film aesthetics. Ciriaci notes that the absence of personal archives made the film’s investigative approach essential, turning Notari’s silence into a creative catalyst.Critics emphasize Notari’s lasting influence on Italian‑American auteurs such as Francis Ford Coppola and Martin Scorsese. Elements of her chaotic street festivals anticipate the wedding scenes in *The Godfather* and *Goodfellas*, while her raw urban tableaux echo the gritty New York sequences of *Taxi Driver*.Beyond cinematic technique, scholars like Cristina Jandelli argue that Notari’s intertitles reveal a pronounced class consciousness and a critique of women’s marginalisation in early 20th‑century Italy. Her use of Neapolitan dialect and unvarnished depictions of squalor directly opposed the regime’s propaganda‑driven vision of a unified, pristine Italy.After Dora Film collapsed in 1930, Notari retired to Cava de’ Tirreni and died in 1946, largely forgotten until recent scholarly revival. The documentary positions her as a “symbol of the right to memories,” underscoring the ongoing relevance of silenced female voices in cultural history.*Elvira Notari: Beyond Silence* will premiere at New York’s Film Forum on 6 April 2026 and tour the United Kingdom throughout April and May, offering audiences a chance to reconnect with a pioneering filmmaker whose work was once erased by fascism.

The traditional No 9 striker, once a cornerstone of football, is becoming increasingly obsolete. The partnership of Andy Cole and Dwight Yorke at Manchester United in the late 1990s exemplifies a bygone era when strikers were the main goal-scoring threats. Today, the Premier League's leading scorers are more likely to be wingers, No 10s, or false 9s.Data from Opta shows that strikers scored 41.6% of the Premier League's goals two decades ago, compared to 25.9% this season. The decline of traditional center-forwards is further evidenced by the decrease in standout individual striker performances. Between 2007 and 2012, there were four seasons with 10 or more hat-tricks by center-forwards; in the past nine seasons, this threshold has been met only once.The England national team faces a significant challenge with Harry Kane, their all-time leading scorer, approaching retirement. Beyond Kane, the options are limited, with Dominic Solanke and Dominic Calvert-Lewin failing to impress. The lack of quality strikers raises concerns about England's future prospects.Experts attribute the decline of the No 9 to the redefinition of the role and the increased emphasis on possession-based football. Emile Heskey notes that the traditional striker's job has changed, with more focus on creating space for other players. René Meulensteen argues that specialized striker training is essential to develop No 9s, but such training has been neglected in favor of more generalized sessions.However, there is hope that a successful team utilizing a lethal strike partnership could revive demand for traditional No 9s. Dean Whitehouse believes that if a manager starts winning trophies with paired strikers, other teams will follow suit, and the demand for No 9s will return. The abundance of technically gifted players, fostered by initiatives like Gareth Southgate's push for smaller-sided games at youth level, may yet lead to a resurgence of the traditional No 9.