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On a cobbled lane in Belfast’s Cathedral Quarter, the Kindred of Ireland boutique draws shoppers with oversized butter‑yellow linen blouses and Donegal mulberry tweed jackets accented by rose‑pink linen bows, signalling a fresh commercial pulse for a fabric that once defined the city.Linen earned Belfast the nickname “Linenopolis” when, at its height, the industry employed about 40% of Northern Ireland’s workforce. After a post‑war collapse, the trade faded, but today it is re‑emerging as a marker of local identity and sustainable fashion.Designer Amy Anderson, whose grandmother worked as a mill‑hand in Moygashel, says the fibre remains deeply personal for many families. Her modern, Japanese‑inspired silhouettes rely on linen’s natural structure to balance avant‑garde volume with comfort.Reviving a near‑extinct industry is daunting, yet Belfast’s history of turning adversity into opportunity—exemplified by the Titanic Quarter’s tourism boom—has attracted an eclectic coalition of supporters. Among them are former blacksmith Charlie Mallon, who has converted his 150‑year‑old Magherafelt farm into a regenerative flax operation, and fashion heavyweight Sarah Burton, former creative director of Alexander McQueen.Mallon’s restoration of heritage machinery aims to keep flax “field‑to‑fibre” in Ireland, preserving the long fibre length that makes linen less prone to creasing. He contrasts this with most modern linen, which is “cottonised” in China, shortening fibres and increasing wrinkles.Burton’s two‑day field trip to Northern Ireland inspired the spring 2020 Alexander McQueen collection, featuring a beetled linen gown with a pearl‑like sheen that debuted on the Paris runway.In autumn, the Prince and Princess of Wales visited Mallon Farm, expressing a rare interest in sustainable fashion and regenerative agriculture. The Princess, who usually avoids media focus on her wardrobe, asked detailed questions about the Andersons’ brand, underscoring the royal endorsement of Belfast’s textile renaissance.The city’s fashion resurgence is also celebrated at the Ulster Museum’s “Ashes to Fashion” exhibition, which juxtaposes historic silk ballgowns with contemporary pieces by Irish designers, including Kindred of Ireland.Looking ahead, Kindred of Ireland plans a temporary boutique in central London, building on a successful six‑week Mayfair pop‑up that the brand describes as “commercial rocket fuel.” The Andersons note that Northern Irish firms benefit from full access to the UK market while still aligning with certain EU single‑market rules under the Windsor framework, offering a strategic advantage for product‑focused businesses.

Los Angeles residents are feeling the strain of soaring gas prices, with some stations charging as high as $8 a gallon. The Iran war has created the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market, according to the International Energy Agency, contributing to the price surge.For Jack Nooney, a musician and grocery deli employee, the daily commute from his San Fernando Valley apartment to Santa Monica has become a costly affair. To save gas, Nooney has started shifting his manual transmission into neutral and coasting down steep declines on the I-405. He also scouts for the best gas prices and prefers stations near his home.The impact of high gas prices is being felt across various industries. Chris Hardin, a music manager, says his clients are struggling with the increased costs, especially those who rely on touring. Hardin has started taking his motorcycle to work multiple times a week to save fuel.Professional drivers, however, have limited options. Jenise Blanc, owner of LA's Canyon Car Service, is absorbing the increased costs, but may be forced to re-evaluate her pricing strategy if the situation doesn't improve. Electric vehicles are becoming a more viable option, with Blanc's company now leaning into its two electric cars.The rising gas prices are also affecting small businesses, with Blanc noting that it's tough to pass on the increased costs to customers without risking a loss of business. As the situation continues, residents and businesses are looking for ways to adapt and mitigate the impact of high fuel costs.

Maggie Aderin-Pocock, a space scientist and CEO of Science Innovation Ltd, says the one item she would take to the lunar surface is a hand‑sewn purple‑cloth alien crafted by her daughter during a GCSE textile project. The tiny creature, made on a loom, embodies her child's love and would serve as a reminder of family ties at the farthest point from Earth. Sheila Hancock, acclaimed actor and writer, would use the trip as a cultural boot‑camp. She plans to study the complete works of Shakespeare, the epic novel War and Peace, and the full symphonies of Mahler as interpreted by Claudio Abbado, hoping the immersion will "strengthen her weakening brain" and deepen her appreciation of human genius. Michael Akadiri, a stand‑up comedian and resident doctor, imagines a lighter itinerary: a stack of old birthday cards to revisit heartfelt messages, an old‑school notepad for real‑time reflections, and a handful of puff‑puff (Nigerian doughnuts) – a cheeky nod to his fitness‑obsessed friends. Michael Rosen, children’s author and broadcaster, would bring three nostalgic comforts: giant yellow Chilean raisins from W Martyn’s shop in Muswell Hill, an oval brown pebble from the alleyway of his teenage flat, and the “furry” blanket his wife gave him during his 2020 COVID‑19 ventilator stay, each item a tactile link to his past. Athena Kugblenu, writer and comedian, opts for practicality and humor. She would pack a pair of Crocs for comfort, the guidebook Contact by Carl Sagan as a potential alien‑communication manual, and a jar of shito sauce – a Ghanaian shrimp‑tomato condiment – to introduce extraterrestrials to Ghanaian flavor before they learn English profanity. Nels Abbey, writer and broadcaster, frames his selection as a morale‑boosting toolkit. He would carry excerpts from Gil Scott‑Heron’s "Whitey on the Moon" and stand‑up routines by Paul Mooney, using their cynical wit to cope with the psychological challenges of space travel. Collectively, the panel’s choices illustrate how personal history, artistic heritage and even culinary curiosity can anchor humanity during the most extraordinary voyages. Their whimsical yet heartfelt lists underscore the idea that, even beyond Earth, we remain tethered to the stories, flavors and objects that define us.

UEFA chief Aleksander Ceferin warned that Italy’s ability to co‑host Euro 2032 with Turkiye is in jeopardy because many of the nation’s football venues rank among the worst in Europe. In an interview with La Gazzetta dello Sport, Ceferin said, “Euro 2032 is scheduled and will take place, of that there is no doubt. I just hope that the infrastructure in Italy will be ready. If that’s not the case, the tournament will not be held in Italy.” He added that the core issue lies in “the relationship between the football authorities and politics,” suggesting that political interference has hampered stadium development. By October, Italy must submit a list of five stadiums for the tournament, choosing from eleven candidate cities: Rome, Florence, Bologna, Milan, Genoa, Bari, Naples, Turin, Cagliari and Palermo. Work on any new or renovated venue must commence by March 2027 to meet UEFA deadlines. At present, only Juventus’s Allianz Stadium in Turin meets UEFA standards for Euro 2032 matches. Meanwhile, Inter Milan and AC Milan have acquired the San Siro site and aim to deliver a new 71,500‑seat arena on the same footprint by 2031, but the transaction is under investigation for alleged bid‑rigging. In Rome, local authorities have approved a new stadium in the city’s eastern district, while Fiorentina’s Artemio Franchi Stadium is undergoing redevelopment. Naples unveiled a €200 million renovation plan for the Diego Armando Maradona Stadium, which includes removing the surrounding running track – a project the mayor says is essential “regardless of 2032.” The UEFA warning follows a historic setback for Italian football: the Azzurri, coached by Gennaro Gattuso, were eliminated from the 2026 World Cup after a 4‑1 penalty defeat to Bosnia and Herzegovina in the UEFA playoff final, marking the first time a former champion has missed three consecutive World Cups. Should Italy fail to upgrade its venues, UEFA has indicated that the tournament could proceed without Italian venues, preserving the event’s schedule but stripping Italy of the prestige and economic benefits of hosting matches.

Iran launched a new barrage of missiles at Israel following President Donald Trump’s televised claim that Washington had "destroyed the Iranian military" and was on the brink of completing its war objectives. Trump’s address, delivered hours after he asserted that Tehran had requested a ceasefire—a claim Tehran promptly denied—also featured a pledge to "finish the job" and a statement that the core strategic goals of the United States were "nearing completion." Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian emphasized that Iran holds no hostility toward the peoples of the United States, Europe or neighboring states, while urging the American public to question the motives behind the continued conflict. In Tehran, the war has intensified: US‑Israeli air campaigns continue to cause casualties and infrastructure damage, and Iranian forces persist with missile and drone counter‑attacks. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi warned that, despite receiving messages from Washington, "trust remains at zero" for any negotiation. Senior political figure Kamal Kharazi, a former foreign minister, was seriously wounded when a strike hit his home in Tehran, killing his wife. Kharazi had been involved in back‑channel talks through Pakistan aimed at reviving negotiations. In the Gulf, the United Arab Emirates reported intercepting incoming Iranian missiles and drones, and a tanker off Doha sustained damage from a projectile, though no casualties were reported. President Trump publicly thanked Gulf allies, pledging that the United States would not allow them to be harmed. Within the United States, analysts such as Trita Parsi of the Quincy Institute noted that Trump’s speech offered little new information, essentially summarising recent tweets and suggesting a lack of a clear operational plan. Israel’s military confirmed that its air‑defence systems were actively intercepting Iranian missiles, but the attack wounded 14 civilians, including an 11‑year‑old girl, near Tel Aviv. Israeli officials said the timeline outlined by Trump aligns with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s assessment of the campaign. Regional spill‑over continued: an Israeli strike on Beirut killed a senior Hezbollah commander and at least seven civilians, while an air strike on Iraq’s Anbar province killed seven fighters and injured 13 at a military healthcare clinic. On the economic front, the World Bank expressed "extreme concern" about the conflict’s impact on inflation, employment and food security, and is consulting member states on emergency measures. Despite the turmoil, global equity markets rallied and oil prices fell after Trump’s optimistic remarks, indicating short‑term investor relief.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.

Britain is confronting the most severe energy shock since the early 1970s, as exports of oil, gas and fertiliser from the Middle East have abruptly stopped. The government says a response plan exists, but details remain vague. It is unclear whether the UK is better prepared for the fallout from Donald Trump’s war with Iran than it was for the pandemic six years ago. Ministers are sending a "we have your back" message to the public while simultaneously signalling to financial markets that any assistance will be limited and targeted. Contingency planning is especially difficult when dealing with an unpredictable leader like Trump. Britain’s heavy reliance on imported energy and food means that reassurance can only hold for a short time. The economy entered the conflict already on shaky ground: unemployment rose steadily throughout 2025 and growth stalled to a virtual standstill in the final quarter of that year. The sudden loss of Middle‑East energy and fertiliser supplies now adds a colossal supply shock. Last year, Trump’s “liberation day” tariff hikes served as a dry run for a far more serious confrontation. This time, the war is taking place in a region that is both volatile and crucial to the global economy. In the past two weeks, the repercussions have been felt across Asia – the Philippines declared a state of emergency, Sri Lanka introduced a four‑day work week, and South Korea announced budget measures to help households cope with soaring energy bills. The continent is the most dependent on Gulf‑exported energy, making the impact there the sharpest. The International Monetary Fund warned that the shock will drive higher prices and slower growth worldwide. Shortages push fuel and food prices up, eroding disposable income, prompting businesses to cut staff, and increasing the risk of recession. The UK, already projected to be one of the poorest‑performing major economies in 2026, could see its fresh graduate cohort face a brutal job market. Trump’s claim that the war could end within two or three weeks appears desperate. Even a rapid cease‑fire would leave substantial collateral damage, creating a stagflation scenario that could hurt Republican prospects in the upcoming mid‑term elections. British officials hope a swift resolution will limit economic damage, allowing a short‑term inflation spike to subside and the Bank of England to resume interest‑rate cuts. Treasury plans include scrapping the planned autumn fuel‑duty rise and providing targeted help for the poorest households, though the path is unlikely to be that simple. Currently, the Treasury is hesitant to act boldly for fear of unsettling bond markets. History – the 2008 banking collapse and the 2020 pandemic – shows that governments can act decisively without triggering a market backlash, using tools such as aggressive rate cuts, increased borrowing, and quantitative easing. The Bank of England has warned of a "substantial negative supply shock" and is expected to soften markets for future rate cuts, which are inevitable. Finance Minister Rachel Reeves could mitigate labour‑market pain by reversing recent increases in employers’ National Insurance contributions, subsidising public transport, and even lowering speed limits to conserve energy. The war, like the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, underscores the fragility of global supply chains and the need for greater British self‑reliance. Investing heavily in renewable energy is essential, but the UK also imports roughly 40% of its food and has not run a manufacturing trade surplus since 1982. In a world of disrupted supply lines, a robust plan for economic self‑sufficiency is more urgent than ever. Larry Elliott is a Guardian columnist.

Ministers are rewriting planning rules to make it easier to approve intensive livestock farms, despite ongoing concerns about water pollution, air quality and local opposition.Freedom of Information documents obtained by the Guardian reveal that proposed changes to the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF) have been discussed in response to lobbying by the country’s leading chicken producers for at least two years.The British Poultry Council (BPC) told farming minister Angela Eagle last autumn that “access to more growing space is the number one priority for the poultry meat sector.”In a submission to the government’s farm profitability review, the BPC argued that the need for a solution—whether through planning reform or land‑use policy—“dwarfs all other issues currently facing us.”Ahead of a January round‑table with Eagle, the BPC urged the government to “develop national planning direction and oversight for food production … to safeguard the UK’s long‑term food security.”Eagle responded that the government has “announced proposals to reform the planning system to more quickly unlock food and farming infrastructure,” emphasizing that “planning should enable ambition, not stifle it.”Her briefing notes directly linked the proposed changes to industry lobbying, describing planning reform as one of the sector’s “biggest asks” and noting that the Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs and the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government are working to “find solutions to planning barriers to poultry sheds and other infrastructure necessary for food production.”The draft NPPF includes several measures that could ease approval of new intensive livestock developments: a higher threshold for refusing applications on environmental grounds, reduced scope for local authorities to adopt tougher rules, greater weight given to “domestic food production,” and a new emphasis on “better accommodation for livestock.”The industry says it needs extra space to house chickens because of voluntary commitments to lower stocking density. Critics point out that these welfare commitments are not legally binding and that planning conditions do not guarantee long‑term compliance. Recent withdrawals by restaurant chains from the Better Chicken Commitment underscore the controversy.Richard Griffiths, chief executive of the BPC, said the reforms are needed to accommodate welfare improvements rather than to expand production, noting a voluntary reduction in stocking density from 38 kg to 30 kg per square metre.Griffiths warned that failing to support domestic production could increase imports, and the BPC has called for food production to be classified as “critical national infrastructure.”Prof. Paul Behrens of the University of Oxford countered that the food‑security case for intensive poultry is “illusory” because the sector depends on imported feed and vitamins and is vulnerable to disease outbreaks such as avian flu.Opposition to poultry megafarms is organised, with local residents raising concerns over water pollution, air quality and the climate crisis. The Environment Agency estimates agriculture accounts for roughly 70 % of nitrate and 25‑30 % of phosphorus pollution in UK waterways, and runoff from intensive poultry units contributes to that burden.Last year, Norfolk councillors rejected Cranswick’s plan for a 900,000‑bird chicken farm after the company failed to demonstrate that the development would not cause “significant adverse effects on protected sites.”The BPC has also urged early intervention by the Planning Inspectorate to minimise delays, arguing that centralised oversight would bring objectivity to a system where “naysayers, particularly via social media, have a disproportionate sway in the decision‑making process.”Campaign group Communities Against Factory Farming warned that the proposed regime “risks embedding decades of industrial livestock land use in rural and green‑belt locations without adequate scrutiny,” giving “substantial weight” to the economic benefits of intensification.A government spokesperson rejected claims that the NPPF proposals are driven by lobbying, stating that they have been carefully considered to balance sector support with broader priorities such as food security and environmental protection.

Irish MEP Barry Andrews toured makeshift shelters in Beirut last month, where displaced families are living on dirty mattresses and blankets and suffering from infections. The conditions, he said, are worse than during Israel’s 2024 incursion, underscoring the human cost of Israel’s retaliatory strikes after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel.On returning to Dublin, Andrews became one of the first European lawmakers to urge the European Union to revive sanctions against Israel. He argued that the EU must also address state‑backed settler violence in the West Bank, attacks on health workers in Gaza, and Israel’s recent move to reinstate the death penalty for Palestinians convicted of terrorism.The EU’s leverage lies in its association agreement with Israel, a commerce and cooperation accord that underpins a €68 billion (€59 bn) trading relationship and includes cooperation on energy and scientific research. Former EU representative to the Palestinian territories, Sven Kühn von Burgsdorff, says the bloc should suspend this agreement, halt all military aid, and cease trade with illegal settlements, warning that inaction will further damage the EU’s reputation.Andrews described the EU’s reaction to the Iran‑Israel‑Lebanon war as “weak and pathetic,” adding that it effectively gives Israel a “permission slip for endless war crimes.” The European Commission condemned the Knesset’s death‑penalty vote as “very concerning” and a “clear step backwards,” while the Council of Europe called it a “legal anachronism” incompatible with modern human‑rights standards.Human‑rights figures note that in the past four weeks more than 1,240 people have been killed in Lebanon—including at least 124 children—and over 1.1 million have been displaced. In Gaza, the death toll has risen by 673 since the October ceasefire, bringing the total to 72,260 deaths.EU leaders have been divided on how to respond. Former Commission President Ursula von der Leyen proposed unprecedented sanctions last September, citing a “man‑made famine” in Gaza, but the proposal failed to secure a majority in the Council of Ministers, losing momentum after the U.S. announced a cease‑fire plan.Member states also differ: Ireland, Spain and Slovenia champion the Palestinian cause, whereas Germany, Austria and Hungary—led by Viktor Orbán, a close ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—have resisted measures such as sanctions on West Bank settlers.Despite these divisions, a senior EU diplomat warned in mid‑March that the bloc may need to “increase pressure on Israel again,” citing the “highly problematic” situation in Gaza and the West Bank. Another diplomat highlighted the importance of engaging with Israeli civil society, noting an open letter from 600 Israeli security officials urging an end to the Gaza war.In a recent statement, a Commission spokesperson reiterated that diplomatic engagement with Israel continues, describing it as the standard approach when partners “do not see developments eye to eye.” Yet former EU envoy Kühn von Burgsdorff cautioned that the EU cannot appear as a “sidekick” to an “erratic, unreliable” U.S. president or a “warmongering, annexationist” Israeli prime minister, as such a stance would undermine Europe’s global standing.