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As the 2026 local and regional elections draw nearer, the spectre of Trussonomics looms large over the British political landscape. From the Conservatives to the Greens, parties are unveiling extravagant fiscal promises that they claim can be funded by cuts elsewhere or additional borrowing, while insisting the broader economy will remain unharmed. Critics warn that any adverse effects will inevitably be shifted onto people and businesses outside the parties' core constituencies, effectively socialising the risk. Only Keir Starmer and his Labour cabinet appear to resist the pressure to re‑engineer the economy without acknowledging inevitable spill‑overs or extra costs. Former Prime Minister Liz Truss famously pledged £45 bn of tax cuts, financed through extra borrowing and so‑called welfare “efficiencies”. The plan was pitched as a catalyst for an entrepreneurial surge that would lift the UK out of a prolonged period of low productivity. Heading into May’s local polls, the Conservatives are touting a new “big‑spending” agenda after recent welfare cuts, highlighted by a headline pledge to shrink the welfare bill by £23 bn. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride declared that the “culture of ‘something for nothing’ must end, now”. Green Party leader Zack Polanski has softened some of his party’s more radical proposals, yet the manifesto remains vague. Earlier drafts featured a litany of “free lunches”, signalling an ambition to raise taxes by **more than £170 bn a year** by the end of the next parliament. Key components of the Green plan include a £90 bn annual carbon tax and a matching increase in day‑to‑day public spending, alongside a proposed £90 bn boost to the capital‑spending budget (raising it from £160 bn to £250 bn per year). Reform UK has embraced Trussonomics with gusto, promising to raise the income‑tax threshold from £12,570 to £20,000 – a move that would cost the exchequer **over £40 bn each year**. Underlying many of these pledges is a belief that the UK can reverse a century of economic decline with a “magician’s wand”, ignoring potential repercussions for financial markets, trading partners, and a rapidly disintegrating global order. While the article briefly references the United States and France, the French electorate’s recent rejection of similarly flamboyant policies in local elections serves as a cautionary tale: voters in key cities like Paris and Marseille opted for centrist candidates over the radical platforms of Marine Le Pen’s National Rally and Jean‑Luc Mélenchon’s LFI. The broader context is a decade marked by two major wars, a quantum technological shift, and accelerating climate change – none of which offer quick‑fix solutions. Labour’s economic strategy, championed by Rachel Reeves, hinges on an early‑parliament spending surge intended to generate growth before the next general election. However, the damage inflicted by the previous government is still being reassessed, with the public‑finance gap now appearing larger than the £22 bn initially highlighted by Reeves. Labour still holds considerable funds earmarked for investment, but bureaucratic inertia in Whitehall hampers swift action, and Starmer bears responsibility for this paralysis. Demonstrating tangible returns on public spending – with HS2 currently the sole benchmark – could justify future tax increases on higher earners, provided the money is not wasted. In an uncertain world, the article argues that rational, evidence‑based governance is preferable to “outlandish initiatives” that create a multitude of losers. Ultimately, the piece concludes that Truss’s experiment was a disaster not merely because of the misguided belief that tax cuts can drive sustainable growth in a mature economy, but because it relied on an imagined “escape hatch” to propel the UK to a higher economic plane.

President Donald Trump has unveiled a bold budget request, seeking $1.5 trillion for military spending, a nearly 40% increase from the previous year. This ambitious proposal underscores the White House's priorities, emphasizing military strength and law enforcement.The budget request, while not legally binding, sets the stage for intense congressional negotiations. It includes a proposed $455 billion increase over fiscal year 2026, separate from an emergency request of $200 billion for the US-Israeli conflict with Iran.The plan involves significant shifts in funding, with $73 billion in cuts to domestic programs, including initiatives to counter climate change, boost renewable energy, and support equality and access in housing, education, and healthcare. Instead, funding would be redirected to projects such as Trump's Golden Dome missile defense system, critical minerals investment, US shipbuilding, and troop salary increases.Trump's proposal also emphasizes immigration enforcement, calling for continued funding for the Department of Homeland Security and Immigration and Customs Enforcement to support his mass deportation campaign. The request includes a 13% increase for the Department of Justice, focusing on violent crime.The budget plan faces challenges, including a potential deadlock in Congress over funding for ICE and Customs and Border Patrol. The administration suggests passing the budget through a mechanism known as reconciliation, which could be achieved with a simple majority in Congress.The US military expenditure has steadily increased, reaching $997 billion in 2024, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. The country consistently spends more on its military than the next nine countries combined, raising questions about priorities in defense and domestic spending.

The ongoing conflict in the Middle East has significant implications for the UK, particularly in the energy sector. Some have called for the North Sea to be exploited for its remaining oil and gas reserves, citing energy security concerns. However, the climate crisis demands immediate action to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, making it crucial to prioritize renewable energy sources.The North Sea basin is past peak production, with only limited amounts of oil and gas remaining. Moreover, the UK is struggling to meet its 2030 emissions reduction target of 68% compared to 1990 levels and is off track to achieve net zero emissions by 2050. Any revival of homegrown fossil fuel usage would undermine these efforts.The reality of the climate crisis is worsening, with record-breaking heat across the US and devastating floods in Hawaii, northern Australia, and the Gulf states. The UK has also experienced record winter rainfall and the warmest February on record in England and Wales.The article emphasizes that the world is on course to exceed the 1.5C dangerous climate change threshold within the next three years, coinciding with key climate tipping points, such as the melting of the Greenland and West Antarctic ice sheets. The rate of global heating has accelerated since 2015, and without drastic action, the 2C limit will be shattered by the late 2030s.In conclusion, the government must hold its nerve and prioritize climate action by leaving North Sea oil and gas in the ground, rather than doubling down on fossil fuel exploitation. This approach will help reduce emissions, promote renewable energy, and mitigate the worst effects of the climate crisis.

In a bid to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and improve public health, thousands of New Yorkers are making the switch from gas stoves to induction stoves. A recent project in the Washington Heights area of Manhattan has installed induction stoves in 15 co-op apartments, providing residents with a cleaner and healthier way to cook.The project, supported by state and city governments, as well as non-profit groups, aims to reduce the risks associated with gas stoves, including nitrogen dioxide emissions and climate change. According to a study, people who replaced their gas stoves with electric alternatives were exposed to less than half the amount of nitrogen dioxide emissions.Residents, such as Marcos Ramos, are excited about the change. “It makes sense”, he said. “If you’re minimizing risk with the gas, the fire, then environmentally, health-wise, it makes sense. It’s logical.”The induction stoves, supplied by Copper, use magnetic fields to heat cookware directly, making them more efficient and environmentally friendly. The project is part of a larger effort to promote clean energy and reduce greenhouse gas emissions in New York City.Advocates claim that induction stoves are a viable alternative to gas, which has jumped in price amid the Iran war and poses health risks to residents. The city is also working on a $32m pilot to replace gas stoves in 10,000 apartments across the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) system.While some states, including New York, California, and Hawaii, are stepping up to promote induction stoves through rebate programs, others are facing resistance from the gas industry and Republican politicians.

For the first time, the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust (JRCT) is creating a dedicated reparations role, appointing Prof. Keon West—a Rhodes Scholar and author of The Science of Racism—to lead the effort. West, who also serves as a visiting professor at the London School of Economics and heads research at the Runnymede Trust, will begin his tenure later this month. The appointment arrives amid intensifying global calls for former colonial powers to confront historic injustices. West’s mandate is to map how enslavement, indentured labour and European imperialism fed the supply chains of Rowntree’s iconic brands such as KitKat, Fruit Pastilles and Smarties. Founded in 1904 when philanthropist Joseph Rowntree endowed the trust with profits from his chocolate and cocoa ventures, JRCT operates on Quaker principles aimed at tackling the roots of inequality. Recent research, spurred by the Black Lives Matter movement, uncovered that African and Asian workers were exploited in Rowntree’s production lines throughout the 19th and 20th centuries. Historical investigations by the Rowntree Society revealed that, while the family never directly owned enslaved people, their businesses sold commodities produced by enslaved or unfree labour as far back as 1822. The company also benefitted from the indenture system, acquiring plantations in Dominica, Jamaica and Trinidad in the 1890s to grow cocoa, bananas and other crops. Further links to colonial exploitation include purchases of cocoa from Portuguese‑controlled São Tomé and Príncipe, as well as commercial interests in Nigeria, Ghana and apartheid‑era South Africa. In the early 1980s, Black workers at the South African subsidiary Wilson Rowntree faced harsh labour suppression. In 2021, JRCT issued a public apology, stating it was “deeply sorry” for its historical connections to “abhorrent practices” and acknowledging the lasting impact of these actions on systemic racism today. West will design a comprehensive reparations programme that engages directly with affected communities—“Black people, brown people and people of colour”—to develop long‑term restorative justice strategies. He said, "I am honoured to accept this role. It offers the power and the responsibility to make real, meaningful changes in the lives of those who have been exploited." JRCT chief executive Nicola Purdy expressed enthusiasm, noting that the reparations initiative aligns with the trust’s charitable purpose of promoting peace, equality, human rights and climate action. Financially, JRCT allocated £13.5 million in grants in 2025, supporting organisations that advance its core missions. In 2023, it contributed £10,000 to an all‑party parliamentary group advocating for a formal UK apology for slavery and colonisation. The Rowntree family, alongside fellow Quaker dynasties Fry and Cadbury, were central to the British confectionery trade during the colonial era. Their brand was later acquired by Nestlé in 1988, but the trust’s new reparations focus underscores a broader reckoning with the historical foundations of the industry.

New research by Cleanview and a subsequent confirmation from Google reveal that the tech giant is collaborating with Crusade Energy to develop a 933‑megawatt natural‑gas power plant in the sparsely populated Armstrong County of the Texas panhandle. The facility will serve the Goodnight AI‑focused datacenter campus, signaling a notable departure from Google’s long‑standing clean‑energy narrative.The plant, slated for off‑grid operation, is intended to power at least two buildings on the Goodnight site. Satellite imagery commissioned by Cleanview shows construction already under way, following a permit application filed in January.According to the 465‑page permit filing, the plant could emit as much as 4.5 million tons of carbon dioxide per year—roughly the same amount released annually by the entire city of San Francisco. This emission level underscores the environmental stakes of the project.Cleanview founder Michael Thomas described the venture as “one of the first direct investments in fossil‑fuel infrastructure” he has seen from Google, suggesting a strategic pivot away from the company’s historic climate leadership.When queried, Google spokesperson Chrissy Moy did not deny the partnership but clarified that “we don’t have a contract in place for the plant in Texas.” She noted that negotiations are ongoing and pointed to a separate wind‑farm partnership with Serena Energy in the region. Crusoe Energy declined to comment.The Texas project is Google’s third known involvement with gas‑fuel facilities in recent months. Earlier in October, the company announced an agreement to purchase power from a gas plant in Illinois, and documents obtained in May revealed exploratory talks on a large‑scale gas project in Nebraska.Despite the shift, Google maintains that natural gas does not conflict with its climate objectives. The firm argues it is moving from a strategy of buying carbon credits to one of “building the grid” to secure carbon‑free energy for its operations.At a recent energy conference in Houston, Google’s head of advanced energy, Michael Terrell, declined to elaborate on how natural gas aligns with the company’s sustainability roadmap.From carbon‑free promises to “climate moonshots”Google has long positioned itself as a climate leader, setting a 2020 goal to achieve net‑zero carbon emissions across all operations by 2030 and investing heavily in wind, solar, geothermal and nuclear projects. However, the rapid expansion of AI workloads has strained those commitments.The 2023 sustainability report noted that Google was no longer “maintaining operational carbon neutrality,” and a 2024 update reported a 48 % rise in greenhouse‑gas emissions since 2019, driven largely by datacenter energy demand.By 2025, the company reframed its emissions targets as “climate moonshots,” acknowledging the growing complexity of meeting its 2030 ambitions amid AI‑driven uncertainties.Google is not alone in this trend. Competitors such as Meta, Amazon and Microsoft have also turned to natural‑gas‑powered facilities to meet the soaring energy needs of their AI infrastructures, highlighting a broader industry tension between rapid AI deployment and climate pledges.Thomas of Cleanview summed up the situation: “The race to build AI is creating a new tension with climate goals that these hyperscalers have long championed.”

Fire Island, a picturesque barrier island off the coast of Long Island, has long been a haven for LGBTQ+ individuals and a hub for artistic expression. The island's legacy as a queer mecca is deeply intertwined with its history of artistic innovation, which is now being celebrated in a new book titled 'Fire Island Art: 100 Years'.The book, edited by John Dempsey, president of the Fire Island Pines Historical Society, delves into the island's artistic heritage, showcasing the works of pioneers like Paul Cadmus, Jared French, and Margaret French, who formed the artistic collaboration PaJaMa. Their paintings and photographs captured the unconventional intimacies and beauty of the island, setting the stage for future generations of artists.Over the years, Fire Island has attracted a diverse array of talented artists, including Peter Hujar, Paul Thek, and Robert Mapplethorpe. These artists found inspiration in the island's serene landscapes, beaches, and vibrant queer community. Mapplethorpe, in particular, immortalized the beauty he found on the island, contributing to the island's reputation as a haven for creative expression.The book also highlights the contributions of women artists, who faced challenges in gaining acceptance on the island. Ksenia M Soboleva's chapter sheds light on the experiences of women artists, who began to make their mark in the late 1980s. This period saw an increase in lesbian presence in Cherry Grove, which reached unprecedented heights.Today, Fire Island continues to nurture artistic talent through initiatives like the Fire Island Artist Residency in Cherry Grove and its Pines sibling Boffo. These programs have launched the careers of notable artists such as Salmon Toor, Raúl de Nieves, Cassils, and Leilah Babirye. However, the legacy of Fire Island's artistic community is threatened by climate change and the rising right, which seeks to erase queer and trans people from public life.Dempsey emphasizes the importance of preserving Fire Island as a sanctuary for marginalized communities. 'Fire Island Art: 100 Years' serves as a testament to the island's enduring legacy as a haven for artistic expression and queer culture.

Ministers are rewriting planning rules to make it easier to approve intensive livestock farms, despite ongoing concerns about water pollution, air quality and local opposition.Freedom of Information documents obtained by the Guardian reveal that proposed changes to the National Planning Policy Framework (NPPF) have been discussed in response to lobbying by the country’s leading chicken producers for at least two years.The British Poultry Council (BPC) told farming minister Angela Eagle last autumn that “access to more growing space is the number one priority for the poultry meat sector.”In a submission to the government’s farm profitability review, the BPC argued that the need for a solution—whether through planning reform or land‑use policy—“dwarfs all other issues currently facing us.”Ahead of a January round‑table with Eagle, the BPC urged the government to “develop national planning direction and oversight for food production … to safeguard the UK’s long‑term food security.”Eagle responded that the government has “announced proposals to reform the planning system to more quickly unlock food and farming infrastructure,” emphasizing that “planning should enable ambition, not stifle it.”Her briefing notes directly linked the proposed changes to industry lobbying, describing planning reform as one of the sector’s “biggest asks” and noting that the Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs and the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government are working to “find solutions to planning barriers to poultry sheds and other infrastructure necessary for food production.”The draft NPPF includes several measures that could ease approval of new intensive livestock developments: a higher threshold for refusing applications on environmental grounds, reduced scope for local authorities to adopt tougher rules, greater weight given to “domestic food production,” and a new emphasis on “better accommodation for livestock.”The industry says it needs extra space to house chickens because of voluntary commitments to lower stocking density. Critics point out that these welfare commitments are not legally binding and that planning conditions do not guarantee long‑term compliance. Recent withdrawals by restaurant chains from the Better Chicken Commitment underscore the controversy.Richard Griffiths, chief executive of the BPC, said the reforms are needed to accommodate welfare improvements rather than to expand production, noting a voluntary reduction in stocking density from 38 kg to 30 kg per square metre.Griffiths warned that failing to support domestic production could increase imports, and the BPC has called for food production to be classified as “critical national infrastructure.”Prof. Paul Behrens of the University of Oxford countered that the food‑security case for intensive poultry is “illusory” because the sector depends on imported feed and vitamins and is vulnerable to disease outbreaks such as avian flu.Opposition to poultry megafarms is organised, with local residents raising concerns over water pollution, air quality and the climate crisis. The Environment Agency estimates agriculture accounts for roughly 70 % of nitrate and 25‑30 % of phosphorus pollution in UK waterways, and runoff from intensive poultry units contributes to that burden.Last year, Norfolk councillors rejected Cranswick’s plan for a 900,000‑bird chicken farm after the company failed to demonstrate that the development would not cause “significant adverse effects on protected sites.”The BPC has also urged early intervention by the Planning Inspectorate to minimise delays, arguing that centralised oversight would bring objectivity to a system where “naysayers, particularly via social media, have a disproportionate sway in the decision‑making process.”Campaign group Communities Against Factory Farming warned that the proposed regime “risks embedding decades of industrial livestock land use in rural and green‑belt locations without adequate scrutiny,” giving “substantial weight” to the economic benefits of intensification.A government spokesperson rejected claims that the NPPF proposals are driven by lobbying, stating that they have been carefully considered to balance sector support with broader priorities such as food security and environmental protection.

The US government's Endangered Species Committee has voted unanimously to exempt oil and gas drillers in the Gulf of Mexico from protections under the Endangered Species Act. This decision, made during a rare meeting, has significant implications for vulnerable species in the region.The committee, composed of six senior Trump officials, including Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, argued that environmental rules could hinder US energy production, particularly during the ongoing tensions with Iran. Hegseth stated that disruptions to Gulf oil production would not only affect the US but also benefit its adversaries.The exemption is only the fourth time in US history that the Endangered Species Committee has convened, and the third time it has granted an exemption to the Endangered Species Act. Rice's whale, with only about 50 remaining, is one of the species protected by the act in the Gulf of Mexico. Other species, such as birds, sea turtles, and Gulf sturgeon, are also safeguarded.Environmental groups have strongly objected to the decision, labeling the committee a 'god squad' due to its power over species' existence. They plan to challenge the exemptions, arguing that the Trump administration failed to follow the protocols set out under the Endangered Species Act and that the rationale for the exemption is not justified by facts.This move is part of the Trump administration's broader effort to roll back environmental protections and promote pro-fossil fuel policies, despite dismissing climate change as a 'hoax'. Critics warn that this action could lead to the extinction of species, with one expert stating that Trump could be the first person in history to knowingly extirpate a species from the face of the earth.