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Meanwhile, powerful blasts rocked northern Tehran, as Israel said it had launched a new wave of strikes on the Iranian capital and Beirut. The Associated Press also reported, citing an Israeli official, that Israel had suspended airstrikes in areas 'relevant' to the rescue operation in Iran.

Millwall secured a vital win over Middlesbrough in the Championship, with Josh Coburn scoring twice to propel his team into second place in the promotion race. The victory, marked by a 2-1 scoreline, sees Millwall just one point ahead of Middlesbrough, with Coventry currently leading the table. The match was characterized by Middlesbrough's possession dominance, but their inability to convert chances into goals. Dael Fry's 26th-minute header gave Boro an early lead, but Millwall equalized in the 58th minute when Coburn's powerful volley found the net after a corner was poorly defended. Coburn, a 23-year-old striker and former Middlesbrough academy graduate, doubled Millwall's lead in the 86th minute with a beautifully angled shot, securing the win. This performance underscores Coburn's impressive form, having scored five goals in his last five games. Alex Neil's Millwall demonstrated resilience and composure, particularly in the second half, to outmaneuver Kim Hellberg's Middlesbrough. Neil praised his team's performance, highlighting their defensive solidity and clinical finishing. In contrast, Hellberg expressed disappointment, noting that his team's possession-heavy approach failed to yield results in critical areas. This win boosts Millwall's prospects for Premier League promotion, although fourth-placed Ipswich still has two games in hand and remains a strong contender. The result marks a significant setback for Middlesbrough, who are now under pressure to regain their position in the promotion race.

Eric Overmyer, a highly influential figure in the world of television, has died at the age of 74. He succumbed to complications from Parkinson's disease, leaving behind a legacy of groundbreaking work in the industry. Overmyer was best known for his collaborations with David Simon, creator of 'Homicide: Life on the Street', 'The Wire', and 'Treme'. His work on these series, along with 'Bosch', an Amazon Prime series based on Michael Connelly's novels, cemented his reputation as a masterful showrunner. Overmyer's versatility in television was evident in his extensive portfolio, which included roles as a writer and producer on shows like 'St Elsewhere', 'The Slap Maxwell Story', 'The Cosby Mysteries', and 'Law & Order'. His ability to drive complex narratives with sharp dialogue was a hallmark of his work, influenced by his background as a playwright and poet. His best-known play, 'On the Verge', continues to be frequently produced and showcases his unique storytelling style. Overmyer's impact on television was not limited to his own creations; he also worked with other notable writers, including George Pelecanos and Dennis Lehane. Throughout his career, Overmyer remained busy, working on various projects, including the miniseries 'Jacqueline Bouvier Kennedy Onassis' and the series 'The Affair' and 'The Man in the High Castle'. His legacy in the television industry is undeniable, and his contributions will continue to be celebrated by audiences and creators alike.

Colin the Caterpillar, a British party favorite for 35 years, has been outperformed by eight supermarket rivals in a recent cake taste test conducted by consumer champion Which?.The 'original' chocolate caterpillar cake, produced by Marks & Spencer (M&S;), scored a mere 64%, ranking it at the bottom of the list. The main criticism was that its sponge was 'too dry', with almost half of the 75-strong panel of cake-testers expressing this concern.In contrast, Waitrose's Cecil caterpillar cake emerged as the winner with a score of 78% and was awarded a coveted 'best buy' gong. Cecil was praised for its remarkably moist texture, flavorful shell, and 'perfect' sponge-to-buttercream ratio.The taste test also revealed that Colin the Caterpillar contained the highest levels of sugar (46.3g) and fat (21.3g) per 100g among the caterpillar lineup, making it one of the most expensive options at £9.50. M&S; responded by highlighting a recent poll of 2,100 adults that named Colin the nation's best caterpillar cake.Key rankings:1st - Cecil (Waitrose): 78%, £9.50, 744g, 38.6g, 17g.2nd = Charlie (Co-op): 73%, £9.85, 702g, 46g, 14g;2nd = Wiggles (Sainsbury’s): 73%, £8.50, 613g, 41.9g, 18.7g.4th - Cuthbert (Aldi): 72%, £6.99, 624g, 43.5g, 17.7g9th – Colin (M&S;): 64%, £9.50, 625g, 46.3g, 21.3g.

The usual visual language of hospital dramas relies on sterile whites and bright fluorescents. ‘What I’m Here For’ discards that palette entirely, immersing the audience in a world of black costumes and shadow‑filled set pieces.This daring aesthetic is the result of a collaboration between Vanishing Point of Glasgow and Teater Katapult from Aarhus, Denmark. Designer Mai Katsume outfits nurses, doctors and patients in deep black, arranging them in stark rows that dominate an ominously dark stage.At the centre stands Lærke Schjærff Engelbrecht as Flora, a nurse forced onto an extra weekend shift because of chronic short‑staffing. Even the flickering strip lights beneath her feet are cloaked in darkness, a visual choice amplified by Simon Wilkinson’s austere lighting design that drains the scene of any residual warmth, turning a hectic night ward into a gothic horror tableau.Written by Josephine Eusebius and performed in a blend of Danish and English, the script follows a familiar premise—too many patients, too few staff—but pushes it to a psychological extreme. Flora cheerfully repeats the hospital‑as‑hotel mantra while confronting impossible choices, such as whether to prioritize a pleasant woman with a brain tumour in room 22 or a demanding lady with a heart condition in room 33.The tension is heightened by Mark Melville’s pulse‑driven soundtrack, a low‑frequency thrum that underscores Flora’s isolation. As in many of director Matthew Lenton’s productions, the protagonist is both integral to and alienated from the medical team, a duality made palpable by her physical separation from the other actors and their disembodied commentary.Throughout the performance, Flora remains downstage, engaging in dream‑like exchanges with colleagues whose looming presence becomes as oppressive as the life‑and‑death decisions she must make. The staging forces the audience to feel the weight of each moral dilemma, turning routine triage into an almost tactile nightmare.‘What I’m Here For’ runs at the Tron in Glasgow until 4 April and will tour to other venues until 18 April.

The families of British citizens held in the United Arab Emirates over allegations that they shared images of the conflict with Iran have expressed frustration at the British government's failure to help.Several British citizens are among more than 100 foreign nationals who have been detained under draconian Emirate rules that outlaw publishing or sharing material that could 'disturb public security'.UK government ministers have refused to condemn the arrests, amid claims they are too fearful of offending the Emirates because of their economic clout.The campaign group Dubai Watch, which is supporting nine British detainees, said their identities could not be revealed for fear of reprisals. But it has shown the Guardian anonymised correspondence from their increasingly anxious families.A mother whose daughter is being held wrote: 'This experience is exhausting, mentally and emotionally.'She described reading media reports about the continuing conflict in which Iran has retaliated against US and Israelis strikes by firing drones and missiles against its Gulf neighbours, including the UAE.She said: 'I have just read another article, and quite frankly I could do one purely on the inadequacies and sycophantic responses from this [UK] embassy.'She also expressed increasing fears for her daughter's safety as attacks continued. The mother said: 'I spoke to [my daughter] last night and they are no longer allowed to go outside in the courtyard as it's now deemed too dangerous to do so. This is an even bigger worry as they are all just sitting ducks.'Another message from a woman whose husband had been detained under the same law said the case had been 'mishandled'. She added: 'We are scared because nobody is telling us the truth. Can you please help us.'Police in Abu Dhabi said those detained had 'filmed sites and events and disseminated inaccurate information via social media platforms during the ongoing events, an action that could stir public opinion and spread rumours among community members'. In a statement, the officials said these 'violations' amounted to a 'misuse of social media'.Daisy Cooper, the deputy leader of the Liberal Democrats, confirmed that one of the detainees was a St Albans' constituent. She said their family was frustrated by the lack of consular help.Cooper told the Guardian: 'I'm deeply concerned that my constituent has been held with very little contact with their family, with no clear access to legal counsel, and no confirmation that UK consular officials have been permitted to visit them. The family are distressed and desperate for information about their wellbeing.'Cooper also criticised the UAE's round-up of anyone it has accused of sharing images of the conflict. She said: 'The response from the authorities appears wholly disproportionate given the nature of the allegations.'The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office confirmed that five UK nationals were receiving consular assistance in the UAE.David Haigh, a human rights lawyer and founder of Dubai Watch, said: 'There's an awful lot more than five cases. The embassy is overwhelmed.'He added: 'There hasn't been any government intervention because it would offend the UAE and they don't want to do that. Impotent is the best way to describe the response. They're too scared – it's all about the money and investment from the UAE.'

The Guardian’s March reading roundup gathers a diverse set of recommendations from both its writers and its readership, offering a snapshot of the titles that captured their attention over the past month.John Lanchester highlights two recent British novels that resonated with him after completing his own manuscript: Drayton and Mackenzie by Alexander Starritt, a story of friendship intertwined with business, and The New Life by Tom Crewe, which explores gay life in the 1890s. His European picks include Eurotrash by Christian Kracht, a darkly comic road‑trip tale, Perfection by Vincenzo Latronico, a critique of the digital‑nomad lifestyle, and Olga Tokarczuk’s genre‑defying Drive Your Plow Over the Bones of the Dead. Lanchester also notes his own recent release, Look What You Made Me Do, available from Faber for £20 via the Guardian bookshop.James, a regular Guardian reader, is immersed in Tom’s Crossing by Mark Danielewski. He describes the 1,200‑page modern western as a masterclass in character depth and meticulous detail, urging readers not to be deterred by its length.Patmeena Sabit turns to shorter forms when time is scarce, recommending Hue and Cry by James Alan McPherson for its understated humanity, Fifty‑Two Stories (a new Chekhov collection translated by Richard Pevear and Larissa Volokhonsky) for its blend of classics and previously untranslated pieces, and Ada Limón’s poetry collection Bright Dead Things for its poignant beauty. Sabit also promotes her own work, Good People, published by Virago at £16.99.David praises Zbig: The Life of Zbigniew Brzezinski, America’s Cold War Prophet by Edward Luce, calling it a dense yet illuminating autobiography that traces U.S. and global power dynamics from the 1960s to the early Trump era, and recommending a piecemeal reading approach.Arash finds profound resonance in Mother Mary Comes to Me by Arundhati Roy. He describes the memoir as an emotionally powerful tribute to Roy’s mother, noting its refusal to fall into gendered clichés while championing compassion and resistance against chauvinism.

Amid the escalating United States‑Israel confrontation with Iran, parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf has emerged as an unexpected voice on financial strategy, posting a series of warnings on X that market‑moving headlines are often engineered to trigger profit‑taking. Ghalibaf’s core advice is simple yet provocative: if a headline inflates prices, bet against it; if it drags prices down, go long. He describes pre‑market news bursts as a “reverse indicator” designed to manipulate investors. His posts are laced with sarcasm, referencing alleged manipulation of oil futures and even joking about turning rhetoric into “actual fuel at the pump.” Behind the humor, analysts say, lies a calculated effort to exploit the overlap between digital propaganda and real‑world conflict. The backdrop to Ghalibaf’s messaging is Iran’s use of asymmetric warfare, notably the brief shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint through which roughly 20% of global oil and LNG shipments pass. The closure sent crude prices soaring and heightened economic pressure worldwide, underscoring Tehran’s ability to influence U.S. markets by targeting critical supply routes. On March 22, Ghalibaf warned financial institutions that support U.S. military financing in the Middle East, declaring that U.S. Treasury bonds are “soaked in Iranians’ blood” and that their portfolios were under surveillance. Economist Jo Michell of the University of the West of England observes that falling equity markets, rising energy costs, and higher interest rates could eventually force President Donald Trump to seek a diplomatic exit from the conflict. Michell notes that Trump often delivers his most aggressive statements over weekends when markets are closed, only to retreat before the opening bell—a pattern traders have dubbed TACO (“Trump always chickens out”). Indeed, when Trump’s original 48‑hour deadline for Iran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz loomed, he extended it by five days and later pledged a further 10‑day pause on attacks against Iranian energy infrastructure, actions that analysts interpret as deliberate market signaling. Middle‑East specialist Zeidon Alkinani explains that the conflict’s volatility creates new leverage points beyond direct price manipulation. Even light‑hearted rhetoric from officials like Ghalibaf can exacerbate market instability, as investors scramble for any hint of the war’s trajectory. In this environment, uncertainty itself becomes a powerful market driver. Alkinani stresses that the significance of the Strait of Hormuz now extends beyond physical oil flow disruptions; it reshapes investor expectations and amplifies the impact of digital messaging, especially given Trump’s high‑visibility online presence. Overall, Ghalibaf’s social‑media campaign illustrates how Tehran is blending military pressure with information warfare, turning market sentiment into an additional front of the broader geopolitical struggle.

Beirut, Lebanon – On 24 March, Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi announced that Iran’s ambassador to Lebanon, Mohammad Reza Sheibani, was declared persona non grata and ordered to depart by 29 March. Two days after the deadline, the envoy remained in Beirut, refusing to leave. The episode unfolds against a broader conflict that has already claimed more than 1,000 lives and displaced over 1.2 million people within a single month of Israeli military action in Lebanon. It also highlights a deepening schism in Lebanese politics between supporters of the pro‑Iranian Shia militia Hezbollah and those demanding its disarmament. Imad Salamey, a political scientist at the Lebanese American University, told Al Jazeera that the ambassador’s defiance is a symptom of a larger contest over legitimacy and authority. IRGC’s Strategic Role Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) helped forge Hezbollah in 1982 as a response to Israel’s invasion. Over the decades, Tehran’s billions of dollars in funding elevated Hezbollah to Lebanon’s most powerful political and military force. Hezbollah’s popularity peaked in 2000 after driving Israeli forces from south Lebanon, but subsequent engagements—including the 2006 war, the 2008 Beirut street battles, the Syrian civil war, and the 2019 domestic protests—have eroded its broader support. When Hezbollah entered open conflict with Israel on 8 October 2023, it enjoyed limited backing beyond the Shia community. By the November 2024 cease‑fire, the group was at a low point, with Israel having killed more than 4,000 Lebanese, including leader Hassan Nasrallah and much of Hezbollah’s command. International pressure then mounted for Hezbollah’s disarmament, prompting Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and President Joseph Aoun to prioritize the issue. According to several analysts, the IRGC exploited the cease‑fire lull to dispatch officials to Lebanon, restructuring Hezbollah’s command and possibly ordering its re‑entry into the war on 2 March—just days after Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was assassinated. Prime Minister Salam has publicly claimed the IRGC is “managing the military operation in Lebanon” and even accused Tehran of launching an attack on Cyprus. Ambassador Refuses to Exit In response to the perceived IRGC influence, Raggi’s declaration stripped Sheibani of diplomatic immunity. Dania Arayssi, senior analyst at the New Lines Institute, described the move as a “landmark decision” given Iran’s entrenched role in Lebanese politics. Iran’s Foreign Ministry, however, maintains that Sheibani will not depart, and Hezbollah has openly pledged to protect him, warning that any government attempt to disarm the militia will be met with “punishment.” Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri—longtime Hezbollah ally—initially backed the government’s ban on Hezbollah’s military activity after the March re‑entry, illustrating the fluidity of alliances within Lebanon’s power‑sharing system. State Authority Tested Hezbollah’s renewed campaign, which includes dozens of cross‑border attacks and direct engagements with Israeli forces on Lebanese soil, is reshaping the political calculus. The militia’s revived confidence challenges the Lebanese government’s ability to enforce disarmament. While the ambassador remains protected inside the Iranian diplomatic compound—effectively beyond the reach of Lebanese law—critics argue that Tehran’s refusal to honor the expulsion order undermines the state’s authority, already weakened by months of war. Salamey summed up the dilemma: “The state is asserting its authority on paper, but internal divisions and competing claims of legitimacy constrain its practical power, testing the limits of Lebanon’s fragile power‑sharing arrangement.”