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In 2020, several nations—including the UK and India—announced ambitious bans on new internal‑combustion‑engine vehicles, while Norway already saw around 60% of new car sales being electric. Australia, however, remained on a different trajectory. Former Prime Minister Scott Morrison dismissed a Labor proposal for a non‑binding 50% electric‑vehicle target by 2030, claiming it would “end the weekend.” The Coalition ignored analyses suggesting that a robust emissions‑cut scheme could deliver a $14 billion net benefit by 2040, and later abandoned plans for an EV‑specific strategy. Five years on, the Albanese government has introduced a vehicle‑efficiency standard mandating annual reductions in average emissions from new cars. Though a long‑awaited move, the policy’s impact will be incremental rather than transformative. March saw a record number of Australians purchasing EVs, yet the market share remains modest—still under 15% of new car sales, up only slightly from 13% in 2025. With fuel prices soaring amid the Iran conflict, the majority of vehicles leaving showrooms are still powered by petrol or diesel, and many will stay on the road for the next 15‑20 years. One bright spot is the surge in second‑hand EV sales, which more than doubled last month despite a tiny baseline. Higher resale values are encouraging broader adoption by making electric cars financially accessible to a larger pool of buyers. Globally, electric vehicles accounted for roughly 25% of new car sales last year. In Australia, the price differential between comparable petrol and electric models averages around 20%, a significant barrier for many consumers. That gap is narrowing, and the potential savings for EV drivers are substantial. Data from energy analyst Simon Holmes à Court—using Amber electricity retailer figures—show that an EV can travel over 40 km per $1 of energy, whereas a conventional car manages less than 5 km per $1 of fuel. Amber’s own smart‑charging platform suggests the distance could reach 160 km per $1 under optimal conditions. Despite such evidence, Australian political discourse often struggles to envision a low‑fossil‑fuel future. Calls for expanded oil exploration, such as Queensland Premier David Crisafulli’s claim of a “sea of oil” in the Taroom trough, lack substantiation and would likely involve costly, long‑term development with uncertain returns. Compounding the issue, the mining sector—Australia’s biggest diesel consumer—receives a 52‑cent‑per‑litre rebate under a national fuel‑tax credit scheme, effectively subsidising over $1 billion annually for diesel use in coal mines. This incentive discourages investment in cleaner truck technologies, even as the safeguard mechanism attempts to curb emissions. Policy recommendations include tightening the vehicle‑efficiency standard to accelerate the shift toward cleaner cars, removing parallel‑import restrictions to boost the supply of affordable second‑hand EVs (as practiced in New Zealand), and reconsidering any road‑user charges on electric vehicles, which currently represent less than 2% of the total fleet. International examples offer guidance: China jump‑started its EV boom by issuing “green” licence plates and imposing hefty fees for fossil‑fuel plates, effectively raising the cost of owning a petrol car by up to $20,000. In sum, Australia’s delayed embrace of electric mobility not only hampers climate goals but also forfeits billions in economic gains. A decisive, well‑targeted policy overhaul could unlock significant consumer savings, reduce emissions, and align the nation with global EV trends.

"Bloody unacceptable" – those were the words of UN humanitarian chief Denise Brown as she condemned the failure to halt a war that has now entered its fourth year. The conflict, which began with rival generals overthrowing Sudan’s civilian leadership, has eclipsed global crises in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, yet remains largely ignored. The Berlin‑hosted international conference aims to inject urgency into a situation where tens of thousands have been killed, four million have fled abroad, and millions more are internally displaced. Roughly 30 million Sudanese – more than half the population – now face acute food insecurity, and large swathes of Khartoum lie in ruins. Violence has not abated. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, have established a rival administration in western Sudan. In the siege of El Fasher, an estimated 10,000 civilians were massacred – a UN mission described the atrocity as bearing the hallmarks of genocide. Both the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Gen. Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan have deliberately targeted civilians, carried out summary executions, tortured detainees and increasingly employed drones to devastate urban areas. Gen. Burhan, whose government enjoys international recognition, refuses any compromise, insisting the RSF must first disarm and retreat to camps before any national dialogue. The RSF, meanwhile, demands a new federal system and the removal of Islamist elements – a stance that directly challenges Burhan’s coalition. In September, a US‑led mediation team that included Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt outlined a tentative roadmap: a humanitarian truce leading to a cease‑fire and subsequent political talks. Yet the United States has shown little appetite to prioritize Sudan, and the plan sidestepped the most contentious issues. The deeper scandal, according to diplomats and analysts, is the role of external actors in sustaining the war. Despite denials, the UAE is widely reported as the principal backer of the RSF, while Saudi Arabia and Egypt back Burhan’s forces. Recent Yale research points to Ethiopian collusion with the RSF, raising fears of a broader regional conflagration. European states, which previously funded Sudanese security to curb migration, have inadvertently strengthened the RSF and supplied weapons now used on the battlefield. The ongoing Iran‑Israel conflict further hampers relief efforts, inflating costs and limiting aid deliveries. Community kitchens that once fed countless families are disappearing – more than 40 % have closed in the past six months. The Berlin delegates must therefore boost support for Sudan’s grassroots mutual‑aid networks, but humanitarian assistance cannot replace a durable peace. Pressure on the UAE and other geopolitically motivated actors is essential if the international community hopes to halt the suffering of millions of Sudanese.

A shocking case of mistaken identity has come to light involving British Gas, a leading UK energy supplier. A homeowner, IW from Northampton, received a £571 bill for a flat they had never occupied or owned. The error occurred because British Gas's tracing agents mistakenly linked IW's address to that of a debtor.IW reported that British Gas opened an account in their name for the incorrect address and sent the hefty bill. When IW disputed the charge, British Gas declined to investigate further, citing a lack of proof that they did not live at the address in question. The company requested a tenancy agreement or mortgage statement, which IW could not provide as they had long since paid off their mortgage.The situation escalated when British Gas threatened IW with a debt collection agency. Despite IW providing bank statements as evidence of their innocence, British Gas ignored this documentation and did not question the competence of the tracing agent used to locate debtors.It was only after IW got involved and contacted The Guardian that British Gas belatedly apologized and removed IW from its records. This incident highlights significant flaws in British Gas's processes for handling customer complaints and verifying identities.The case serves as a cautionary tale for consumers to vigorously dispute incorrect charges and to be aware of their rights when dealing with energy suppliers and debt collectors.

Compiling a definitive Top 10 of superhero movies proves as elusive as “herding thunder through a spreadsheet.” Critics must decide whether to prioritize cinematic craftsmanship, cultural influence, or the raw emotional resonance that these films generate.Over the past two decades the genre has diversified dramatically, spanning crime‑driven Batman sagas, family‑friendly adventures like The Incredibles and Guardians of the Galaxy, political allegories such as Captain America: The Winter Soldier and Black Panther, and experimental visual feats exemplified by Spider‑Man: Into the Spider‑Verse. This breadth makes any hierarchical ranking inherently subjective.Influence remains a key metric. Richard Donner’s Superman (1978) demonstrated that audiences would pay to see a man fly, paving the way for half a century of cape‑wearing blockbusters. Similarly, Iron Man reshaped the modern blockbuster formula, launching the Marvel Cinematic Universe and redefining franchise economics.Emotional impact also matters. Logan stands out as a bruised, mournful western that subverts the genre’s usual invincibility myth, presenting a weary Wolverine confronting mortality. Its rawness offers a rare catharsis rarely found in superhero narratives.Event status cannot be ignored. Avengers: Endgame turned its opening weekend into a cultural ritual, with multiplexes resembling revival tents where audiences collectively cheered, gasped, and celebrated. Even a “colder” analysis must acknowledge that the film transformed anticipation into a generational sacrament.Visual innovation is another hallmark. The Oscar‑winning animation Spider‑Man: Into the Spider‑Verse made comic‑book ink feel alive, delivering a sensory overload that redefined what animated superhero storytelling could achieve.Cultural relevance caps the discussion. Black Panther emerged as a modern myth that forced critics to confront race, identity, and heritage within blockbuster fantasy, expanding the perceived centre of the superhero universe beyond the traditional Batman, Superman and Spider‑Man triad.While outliers like Alex Garland’s Dredd and Guillermo del Toro’s Hellboy II: The Golden Army deserve mention, the critic’s final Top 10 list reflects a balance of influence, artistry, and cultural weight:1. The Dark Knight2. Spider‑Man: Into the Spider‑Verse3. Superman (1978)4. The Incredibles5. Spider‑Man 26. Dredd7. Spider‑Man: No Way Home8. Avengers: Endgame9. Spider‑Man10. Logan

The strategic Strait of Hormuz, linking the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman, has become the focal point of the Israel‑U.S. war on Iran that began in February. In peacetime the narrow waterway handled about 20% of global oil and liquefied natural gas shipments without any tolls, but the conflict has turned it into a contested zone. After a series of Israeli and U.S. strikes, Iran retaliated by targeting merchant vessels it deemed hostile, effectively shutting the passage and triggering one of the most severe energy‑distribution crises in recent memory. While a two‑week ceasefire, brokered by Pakistan, was declared on Tuesday, Tehran has issued a set of official terms that would govern the strait moving forward. According to Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghi, safe passage will be allowed in coordination with the Iranian armed forces and subject to technical limitations. The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has even published a new navigation map that pushes traffic farther north, away from the traditional route near Oman’s coast, citing the risk of anti‑ship mines. Central to Tehran’s 10‑point peace proposal is the idea of charging fees for strait usage. Iranian media report that the plan could levy up to $2 million per vessel—a sum to be shared with Oman—or a charge of $1 per barrel of oil shipped. The revenue would allegedly fund reconstruction of military and civilian infrastructure damaged by the U.S.–Israeli campaign. Oman has publicly rejected any toll scheme, with Transport Minister Said Al‑Maawali reminding that the country has already signed all relevant international maritime transport agreements that prohibit such fees. International law adds another layer of complexity. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) prohibits levying charges for mere passage through international straits, allowing fees only for services like navigation assistance or port use. Neither the United States nor Iran have ratified UNCLOS, but the principle remains a benchmark for maritime norms. Analysts suggest a possible workaround: charging for de‑mining and safety services rather than for passage itself, which could be permissible under existing legal frameworks. The proposal has sparked diplomatic pushback. At the United Nations Security Council, Bahrain led a resolution urging coordinated reopening of the strait, backed by Qatar, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Jordan. The resolution passed with 11 of 15 votes, but was vetoed by Russia and China, who argued it unfairly targeted Iran and ignored the initial strikes. Beyond the region, the United States is unlikely to accept indefinite tolls. Former President Donald Trump, who announced the ceasefire, warned that U.S. forces would remain in the area and threatened to resume attacks if negotiations faltered. American troops are reportedly “hanging around” to assist with traffic buildup, though the extent of their operational control remains unclear. Maritime analyst C. Uday Bhaskar notes that only three to five ships have traversed the strait since the ceasefire began, underscoring the lingering uncertainty for global shippers. He adds that ship owners facing multi‑million‑dollar losses each day may ultimately acquiesce to Iran’s terms, at least temporarily. Should Iran implement a toll regime, the immediate impact would fall on Gulf oil‑producing nations, but the ripple effects could destabilize global energy markets, already strained by supply shocks. Major powers such as the United Kingdom have been coordinating with a coalition of 40 countries to explore alternative mechanisms for reopening the waterway without conceding to tolls. In sum, Iran’s proposed protocol for the Strait of Hormuz introduces a contentious new variable into an already volatile geopolitical landscape, pitting national security interests against established maritime law and the broader stability of world energy supplies.

NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte revealed that Donald Trump was 'clearly disappointed' that US allies refused to join the war against Iran during a closed-door meeting in Washington. This comes as the alliance faces scrutiny over its response to the conflict.Rutte described the meeting with Trump as 'very frank, very open' between 'two good friends,' but declined to directly address whether Trump raised his threat to withdraw from NATO over the Iran war.The meeting occurred against the backdrop of a fragile two-week ceasefire deal between the US and Iran, which includes reopening the Strait of Hormuz. This agreement was reached after Trump threatened to target Iran's civilian infrastructure if Tehran didn't allow safe passage through the strait.Trump has been critical of NATO, calling it a 'paper tiger' and suggesting the US may consider leaving after NATO member countries ignored his call for military assistance to help reopen the critical waterway. Global oil prices have soared due to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz.In a post on Truth Social, Trump wrote: 'NATO WASN'T THERE WHEN WE NEEDED THEM, AND THEY WON'T BE THERE IF WE NEED THEM AGAIN.' Trump's frustrations with the alliance 'began' with their opposition to his desired takeover of Greenland.Despite these tensions, Republican senator Mitch McConnell issued a statement in support of the alliance, urging Trump to be 'clear and consistent' and emphasizing that it's not in America's interest to 'spend more time nursing grudges with allies who share our interests than deterring adversaries who threaten us.'Congress passed a law in 2023 that prevents any US president from pulling out of NATO without its approval, championed by Trump's current secretary of state, Marco Rubio.

A union representing roughly 2,000 food‑service employees at Los Angeles Stadium has formally appealed to FIFA to ensure that U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) stays away from World Cup activities in the city. Unite Here Local 11, which covers cooks, servers and bartenders at the Inglewood venue, warned that a strike could become imminent if its concerns are ignored. The union highlighted that its members are still without a labor contract as the tournament approaches, and outlined three core demands for FIFA and stadium owner Kroenke Sports & Entertainment: A public pledge that ICE and Border Patrol will have no role in any World Cup‑related operations. Guarantees protecting union jobs, working conditions, and a ban on the use of artificial intelligence or automation that could displace workers. Support for a workforce‑housing fund, stricter short‑term‑rental rules, and tax measures aimed at financing affordable housing and protecting immigrant families. ICE Acting Director Todd Lyons has indicated that the agency would play a “key part” in the event, a prospect the union says threatens the safety of both workers and visitors in Los Angeles. “FIFA and its corporate sponsors will pocket billions from Los Angeles while refusing to even acknowledge the cooks, servers, and stand attendants who make this event possible,” said Kurt Petersen, co‑president of Local 11 in a statement. Local 11 also noted that it has repeatedly sought meetings with FIFA since the city was awarded hosting duties, but its requests have been ignored. The venue, known globally as SoFi Stadium, has been temporarily rebranded as Los Angeles Stadium for the World Cup due to sponsor conflicts. The stadium is slated to host eight matches, with the opening game – the United States versus Paraguay – scheduled for June 12. The union’s broader housing demands reflect rising living‑cost pressures in Inglewood and the surrounding Los Angeles area, underscoring the intersection of labor rights, immigration policy, and urban affordability ahead of the global tournament.

South Korean intelligence officials say Pyongyang is deliberately stepping back from its long‑standing partnership with Iran as it seeks to open a diplomatic channel with the United States.The National Intelligence Service (NIS) found no evidence of weapons or material transfers to Tehran since the US‑Israel conflict over Iran erupted at the end of February.Unlike its allies China and Russia, which have issued frequent statements on the Middle‑East war, North Korea’s foreign ministry has released only two muted comments, condemning the US and Israeli attacks but remaining silent on internal Iranian leadership changes.Analysts interpret this restraint as a strategic move to position North Korea for a new diplomatic chapter with Washington once the regional conflict subsides.In a separate revelation, the NIS disclosed that Kim Jong Un appears to be grooming his teenage daughter, Ju Ae—estimated to be around 13 years old—as a potential successor, citing recent footage of her driving a tank.The display mirrors Kim’s own early‑2010s public military appearances, which were designed to showcase his readiness to inherit power.Previously, Kim’s sister Kim Yo Jong was considered a leading heir candidate. She recently praised South Korean President Lee Jae Myung for apologising over a January drone incursion, calling the gesture “wise” and “fortunate.”Lee admitted that government officials were involved in the drone incident and expressed regret, part of his broader effort to repair inter‑Korean ties since taking office.Despite these overtures, North Korea has largely ignored Seoul’s diplomatic initiatives, with Kim labeling South Korea the “most hostile state” in a March policy address.

The recent visit of Anthropic's CEO Dario Amodei to Canberra has sparked a critical examination of the role of AI in society. Amodei, known for his 'progressive' approach to AI, has been promoting a vision of a future where AI transforms the economy and improves lives. However, the author of the article argues that this vision may not be as progressive as it seems. The risks associated with AI, such as job displacement, cultural homogenization, and potential harm to individuals, cannot be ignored. The article highlights the concerns of experts like Toby Walsh, who notes that AI is both good and bad, and that its impact depends on how it is used and regulated. The author, Peter Lewis, questions his own progressive credentials and argues that the unchecked development of AI threatens to undermine the very notion of progress. He suggests that the government should slow down the development of AI and establish guardrails to prevent its negative consequences. The article cites examples of experts and politicians, such as Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who are calling for a moratorium on the development of new datacenters. The author argues that this cautious approach is necessary to ensure that AI is developed in a way that benefits society as a whole, rather than just a select few. Ultimately, the article concludes that the future of AI must be shaped by a nuanced and informed discussion about its potential risks and benefits. The author argues that only by slowing down the development of AI and establishing clear regulations can we ensure that its impact is truly progressive.