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Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif is embarking on a diplomatic mission to Saudi Arabia and Turkey this week, as his efforts to facilitate a second round of peace talks between the United States and Iran appear to be gaining traction.Sharif's bid to moderate talks comes during a fragile two-week ceasefire that has halted US and Israeli strikes on Iran. President Asif Ali Zardari has urged Sharif and other officials to remain engaged with the US, Iran, and other key powers to sustain the peace process.Reports of backchannel negotiations to arrange new peace talks surfaced on Monday, followed by comments from US President Donald Trump and the United Nations on Tuesday, suggesting there is support for Sharif's push. Trump indicated that talks could resume in Pakistan over the next two days, praising Pakistan's army chief Asim Munir as 'doing a great job.'The Associated Press reported on Tuesday that a diplomat from one of the mediating countries said Tehran and Washington had agreed to more talks, although the location, timing, and composition of the delegations had not been decided. Islamabad and Geneva are being considered as potential host cities.UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who met with the deputy prime minister of Pakistan on Tuesday, said it was 'highly probable' that ceasefire talks would restart. He emphasized the need for continued negotiations and a persistent ceasefire.Any return to the negotiating table would likely test the diplomatic skills of Sharif and other mediators. During the fragile two-week ceasefire, the US military has mounted a naval blockade of Iran's ports and coastal areas in response to Iran's throttling of the Strait of Hormuz, which has caused global oil prices to skyrocket.

Zimbabwe fast bowler Blessing Muzarabani has been banned from the Pakistan Super League (PSL) for two years after he abandoned a pre‑agreed deal with Islamabad United to play for the Indian Premier League (IPL) franchise Kolkata Knight Riders.The 29‑year‑old was initially signed by Islamabad United despite going unsold in both the IPL and PSL auctions. However, when Kolkata Knight Riders needed a replacement for Mustafizur Rahman – who was released under BCCI instructions – Muzarabani opted to join the IPL side instead.Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB) officials condemned the move, stating that the player “disregarded his obligations in favour of a conflicting arrangement” and violated the contractual principles that underpin professional sport.The IPL and PSL now run almost concurrently, making it practically impossible for an international player to feature in both competitions within the same season.Similar disciplinary action has been taken before: South African bowler Corbin Bosch received a one‑year PSL ban after he chose to play for Mumbai Indians in the IPL, turning down a contract with Peshawar Zalmi.Pakistani cricketers have been absent from the IPL since the 2008 Mumbai attacks, when geopolitical tensions led Indian franchises to stop selecting players from across the western border.Recent concerns about Indian‑owned teams in other leagues, such as England’s The Hundred, have also surfaced. Those worries were eased when Pakistani pacer Abrar Ahmed was signed by the Indian‑owned Sunrisers Leeds, though the move sparked a social‑media backlash and drew criticism from former India star Sunil Gavaskar, who claimed the signing “indirectly contributes to the deaths of Indian soldiers and civilians”.

On the first day of the US blockade on Iranian ports, at least three vessels, including two US-sanctioned tankers, successfully transited the Strait of Hormuz into the Gulf. According to shipping data, these vessels were not bound for Iranian ports, thus avoiding the impact of the blockade.A Panama-flagged medium-range tanker, Peace Gulf, was headed to Hamriyah port in the United Arab Emirates. Data from LSEG and Kpler showed that the vessel typically transports Iranian naphtha, a petrochemical feedstock, to other non-Iranian ports in the Middle East for export to Asia.Two US-sanctioned tankers, Murlikishan and Rich Starry, also navigated through the strait. Murlikishan, a handy tanker, was set to load fuel oil in Iraq on Thursday. The vessel, previously known as MKA, has a history of transporting Russian and Iranian oil. Rich Starry, a medium-range tanker carrying about 250,000 barrels of methanol, was the first sanctioned tanker to exit the Gulf since the blockade began. The tanker and its owner, Shanghai Xuanrun Shipping Co Ltd, were sanctioned by the US for dealing with Iran.The US blockade was announced by President Donald Trump on Sunday, following the collapse of peace talks between the US and Iran in Islamabad. The blockade aims to restrict Iran's control over the Strait of Hormuz, a critical route for global energy shipments. Iran had previously halted traffic through the strait in response to US-Israeli attacks, causing a spike in global gas and petrol prices.The Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs criticized the US move, calling it 'dangerous and irresponsible' and warning that it would escalate tensions and undermine the fragile ceasefire agreement. China, which imports over half of its oil from the Middle East, especially Iran, expressed concerns about the impact on oil supplies.Despite the blockade, there are still prospects for a diplomatic breakthrough. Trump indicated that Iran still has an opportunity to strike a deal, and a Pakistani official stated that the country is willing to host peace talks.

On Tuesday, shipping data from LSEG and Kpler confirmed that at least three tankers entered the Gulf via the Strait of Hormuz, including the Panama‑flagged Peace Gulf, which is bound for Hamriyah port in the United Arab Emirates. Earlier that day, two U.S.–sanctioned vessels, the Rich Starry and the Elpis, also transited the waterway. Because none of these ships were destined for Iranian ports, they remain exempt from the U.S. blockade that began on Monday. The U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that, as of 10 a.m. ET (14:00 GMT) on Monday, a naval blockade was in effect against all maritime traffic to and from Iranian ports, in line with the presidential order issued by former President Trump. The directive applies to "vessels of all nations" operating in Iranian coastal waters, including the Arabian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman. Tehran has warned of possible retaliation against ports in neighboring Gulf states. In response to the blockade, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) ordered every ship to follow a newly‑drawn navigation map that forces vessels to enter the strait north of Larak Island and exit south of it, citing the risk of anti‑ship mines in the former main traffic zone. Before the conflict, the strait functioned like a divided highway with two dedicated lanes—each about 3.2 km long—carrying roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and gas shipments. The IRGC now classifies the original lanes as "restricted" and has effectively closed them. Ship traffic has collapsed by **more than 95 %** since the war began. Kpler’s tracking data shows that only **279 vessels** passed through the strait between Feb. 28 and Apr. 12, a stark contrast to the pre‑war average of around **100 ships per day**. Even after a cease‑fire took effect on Apr. 8, a mere **45 ships** have entered or exited the waterway. The disruption has left hundreds of tankers and other vessels stranded in the Gulf, slashing global oil and gas supplies by an estimated **20 %**—the largest fuel‑supply shock on record. Damage to Gulf energy infrastructure and the sharp reduction in shipments have pushed crude prices up by roughly **50 %**, with Asian importers bearing the brunt of the price spike. According to the same Kpler data, **22 ships** have been attacked in the Strait of Hormuz since the conflict started. The incidents are distributed as follows: eight in United Arab Emirates waters, six in Omani waters, two each in Iraqi and Qatari waters, and one each in Bahraini, Kuwaiti, Saudi and Iranian waters. These figures underscore the strategic vulnerability of the world’s most critical energy chokepoint and highlight how the combined effect of the U.S. naval blockade and Iran’s alternate routing has reshaped global shipping patterns and commodity markets.

Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif recently engaged in high-stakes diplomacy, hosting United States Vice President JD Vance for talks on the sidelines of direct negotiations between Washington and Tehran, marking the highest-level engagement between the two nations since the 1979 Iranian Revolution. Simultaneously, Saudi Arabia's Ministry of Defense announced the arrival of a Pakistani military force at King Abdulaziz Air Base in the kingdom's Eastern Province, under the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA) signed last year. The SMDA commits both countries to treating any act of aggression against one as an act against both, strengthening joint military coordination and raising operational readiness. This development has underscored Pakistan's delicate balancing act in the midst of a war that has destabilized the global economy and led to attacks and deaths in multiple countries. Pakistan has been a central mediator between the US and Iran, hosting their teams and driving attempts to continue talks after a breakdown in negotiations. However, its commitment to militarily assist Saudi Arabia, a key ally repeatedly hit by Iran, poses significant challenges. Analysts suggest that Pakistan's approach carries both logic and risk, as it attempts to sustain both roles using its commitments under the SMDA to create leverage over Iran and deter further strikes on Saudi installations. The continuation of US-Iran talks is crucial for Pakistan, as hostilities restarting could collapse its strategy and force deeper involvement in the conflict. Experts emphasize that Pakistan's window for playing both mediator and Saudi military ally is narrow, and its military deployment must remain strictly defensive, time-bound, and transparently limited to avoid jeopardizing its relationships with both Iran and Saudi Arabia.

Sergey Lavrov touched down in Beijing as Washington intensified its pressure on Iran by attempting to block the Strait of Hormuz, a waterway that carries roughly one‑third of China’s oil imports. The Russian foreign minister was greeted with a red‑carpet reception, according to photos released by Russia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Both Beijing and Moscow condemned the United States and Israel over their involvement in the ongoing war on Iran, noting that the conflict has already strained China’s energy supplies. China, a major purchaser of Iranian crude, denounced a newly announced U.S. plan to prohibit vessels from entering or leaving Iranian ports and coastal waters, calling the measure an unjustified interference with international trade. “The Strait of Hormuz is a vital international trade route for goods and energy, and its security and uninterrupted flow serve the common interest of the global community,” Chinese MFA spokesman Guo Jiakun said on Monday. According to Al Jazeera’s Alan Fisher, the U.S. hopes that by choking Iran’s trade it can force China to pressure Tehran into returning to negotiations, given that Beijing imports about a third of its oil from Iran. Lavrov also held a telephone conversation with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, emphasizing the need to prevent any resurgence of hostilities in the Middle East and reiterating Russia’s “unwavering readiness” to assist in a diplomatic settlement. Araghchi relayed details of recent U.S.–Iran talks in Pakistan, which ended without a breakthrough, underscoring the limited diplomatic progress on the issue. The visit comes as China‑Russia relations have deepened since Russia’s full‑scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Earlier in the week, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi spoke with Lavrov, agreeing that the two capitals would cooperate to de‑escalate tensions in the region. Beijing’s diplomatic calendar this week also featured meetings with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez, United Arab Emirates President Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and an upcoming visit by Vietnamese President To Lam, highlighting China’s active role in global diplomacy despite its low‑profile stance on the Iran conflict. Analysts note that China’s restrained approach allows it to position itself as a “reliable, stable and predictable partner” for states seeking alternatives to U.S. influence, especially given its extensive trade ties with Tehran. Former U.S. President Donald Trump, slated to visit Beijing next month, warned he would impose a 50 percent tariff on Chinese goods if China provides military assistance to Iran. The claim followed a CNN report citing U.S. intelligence that China might deliver new air‑defence systems to Tehran. Chinese officials dismissed the report as “completely fabricated” and warned of “resolute counter‑measures” should the United States use it as a pretext for additional tariffs.

In 2020, several nations—including the UK and India—announced ambitious bans on new internal‑combustion‑engine vehicles, while Norway already saw around 60% of new car sales being electric. Australia, however, remained on a different trajectory. Former Prime Minister Scott Morrison dismissed a Labor proposal for a non‑binding 50% electric‑vehicle target by 2030, claiming it would “end the weekend.” The Coalition ignored analyses suggesting that a robust emissions‑cut scheme could deliver a $14 billion net benefit by 2040, and later abandoned plans for an EV‑specific strategy. Five years on, the Albanese government has introduced a vehicle‑efficiency standard mandating annual reductions in average emissions from new cars. Though a long‑awaited move, the policy’s impact will be incremental rather than transformative. March saw a record number of Australians purchasing EVs, yet the market share remains modest—still under 15% of new car sales, up only slightly from 13% in 2025. With fuel prices soaring amid the Iran conflict, the majority of vehicles leaving showrooms are still powered by petrol or diesel, and many will stay on the road for the next 15‑20 years. One bright spot is the surge in second‑hand EV sales, which more than doubled last month despite a tiny baseline. Higher resale values are encouraging broader adoption by making electric cars financially accessible to a larger pool of buyers. Globally, electric vehicles accounted for roughly 25% of new car sales last year. In Australia, the price differential between comparable petrol and electric models averages around 20%, a significant barrier for many consumers. That gap is narrowing, and the potential savings for EV drivers are substantial. Data from energy analyst Simon Holmes à Court—using Amber electricity retailer figures—show that an EV can travel over 40 km per $1 of energy, whereas a conventional car manages less than 5 km per $1 of fuel. Amber’s own smart‑charging platform suggests the distance could reach 160 km per $1 under optimal conditions. Despite such evidence, Australian political discourse often struggles to envision a low‑fossil‑fuel future. Calls for expanded oil exploration, such as Queensland Premier David Crisafulli’s claim of a “sea of oil” in the Taroom trough, lack substantiation and would likely involve costly, long‑term development with uncertain returns. Compounding the issue, the mining sector—Australia’s biggest diesel consumer—receives a 52‑cent‑per‑litre rebate under a national fuel‑tax credit scheme, effectively subsidising over $1 billion annually for diesel use in coal mines. This incentive discourages investment in cleaner truck technologies, even as the safeguard mechanism attempts to curb emissions. Policy recommendations include tightening the vehicle‑efficiency standard to accelerate the shift toward cleaner cars, removing parallel‑import restrictions to boost the supply of affordable second‑hand EVs (as practiced in New Zealand), and reconsidering any road‑user charges on electric vehicles, which currently represent less than 2% of the total fleet. International examples offer guidance: China jump‑started its EV boom by issuing “green” licence plates and imposing hefty fees for fossil‑fuel plates, effectively raising the cost of owning a petrol car by up to $20,000. In sum, Australia’s delayed embrace of electric mobility not only hampers climate goals but also forfeits billions in economic gains. A decisive, well‑targeted policy overhaul could unlock significant consumer savings, reduce emissions, and align the nation with global EV trends.

The UK's culture secretary, Lisa Nandy, has cleared Axel Springer's £575m takeover of the Telegraph titles, paving the way for the end of almost three years of uncertainty over the ownership of the newspapers. Nandy stated that she does not believe there are grounds to intervene and refer the deal to the media regulator, Ofcom, for an in-depth regulatory investigation. The culture secretary has the power to call in mergers for further scrutiny on public interest grounds, as well as the new foreign state influence regime. Axel Springer, a German media group, had tabled a significantly superior offer to Lord Rothermere's Daily Mail and General Trust (DMGT), prompting the United Arab Emirates-backed group that controls the Telegraph to seek UK government approval to switch the permission to sell the right-to-buy option to Axel Springer. The Telegraph titles will add to Axel Springer's media portfolio, which includes Europe's biggest newspaper, Bild, Politico, and Business Insider. Axel Springer CEO, Mathias Döpfner, has promised to invest in the Telegraph to make it the “leading centre-right media outlet in the English-speaking world”, with a rapid expansion planned for the US supported by the expertise of Politico and Business Insider. The sale of the newspapers was kicked off in 2023 when the Barclay family lost control of the group over £1.16bn of unpaid debts owed to Lloyds bank. RedBird IMI, which is 75% controlled by Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the vice-president of the UAE and the owner of Manchester City, took control of the publishing group after agreeing to pay the Barclays' debts.

"Bloody unacceptable" – those were the words of UN humanitarian chief Denise Brown as she condemned the failure to halt a war that has now entered its fourth year. The conflict, which began with rival generals overthrowing Sudan’s civilian leadership, has eclipsed global crises in Ukraine, Gaza and Iran, yet remains largely ignored. The Berlin‑hosted international conference aims to inject urgency into a situation where tens of thousands have been killed, four million have fled abroad, and millions more are internally displaced. Roughly 30 million Sudanese – more than half the population – now face acute food insecurity, and large swathes of Khartoum lie in ruins. Violence has not abated. The paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), led by Gen. Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, have established a rival administration in western Sudan. In the siege of El Fasher, an estimated 10,000 civilians were massacred – a UN mission described the atrocity as bearing the hallmarks of genocide. Both the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Gen. Abdel Fattah al‑Burhan have deliberately targeted civilians, carried out summary executions, tortured detainees and increasingly employed drones to devastate urban areas. Gen. Burhan, whose government enjoys international recognition, refuses any compromise, insisting the RSF must first disarm and retreat to camps before any national dialogue. The RSF, meanwhile, demands a new federal system and the removal of Islamist elements – a stance that directly challenges Burhan’s coalition. In September, a US‑led mediation team that included Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt outlined a tentative roadmap: a humanitarian truce leading to a cease‑fire and subsequent political talks. Yet the United States has shown little appetite to prioritize Sudan, and the plan sidestepped the most contentious issues. The deeper scandal, according to diplomats and analysts, is the role of external actors in sustaining the war. Despite denials, the UAE is widely reported as the principal backer of the RSF, while Saudi Arabia and Egypt back Burhan’s forces. Recent Yale research points to Ethiopian collusion with the RSF, raising fears of a broader regional conflagration. European states, which previously funded Sudanese security to curb migration, have inadvertently strengthened the RSF and supplied weapons now used on the battlefield. The ongoing Iran‑Israel conflict further hampers relief efforts, inflating costs and limiting aid deliveries. Community kitchens that once fed countless families are disappearing – more than 40 % have closed in the past six months. The Berlin delegates must therefore boost support for Sudan’s grassroots mutual‑aid networks, but humanitarian assistance cannot replace a durable peace. Pressure on the UAE and other geopolitically motivated actors is essential if the international community hopes to halt the suffering of millions of Sudanese.