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Oman and Iran convened deputy foreign minister‑level talks on Saturday to discuss measures that could guarantee the smooth passage of ships through the Strait of Hormuz, according to a statement from the Omani Foreign Ministry.The meeting, described as an "undersecretary‑level" dialogue, was attended by specialists from both ministries, underscoring the technical nature of the discussions.Officials said the parties examined possible options to ensure safe transit amid the volatile regional environment, with a series of proposals now slated for further study.Tracking data from the shipping journal Lloyd’s List showed that, on Sunday, three Omani vessels – two large oil supertankers and an LNG carrier – navigated the strait outside Iran’s "approved corridor" near Larak Island, sailing unusually close to the Omani coast.Earlier in the week, an Iranian official announced a draft protocol with Oman aimed at monitoring traffic through the strait, which carries roughly one‑fifth of global oil supplies and has been heavily restricted as retaliation for the ongoing US‑Israeli war on Iran.Since the conflict erupted on February 28, Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) has permitted limited transits for vessels from Pakistan, France and Turkey, while an estimated about 3,000 ships remain stranded in the region.The Strait of Hormuz is a critical energy chokepoint; any disruption fuels market volatility and compels oil‑importing nations to scramble for alternative supplies.U.S. President Donald Trump took to social media over the weekend, warning that he would unleash “all Hell” if the waterway is not reopened by Monday, highlighting the geopolitical pressure surrounding the passage.Egypt’s foreign minister, Badr Abdelatty, held separate calls with U.S. special envoy Steve Witkoff and regional counterparts, including Iran’s foreign minister Abbas Araghchi, to explore de‑escalation proposals.Professor Amin Saikal, an emeritus scholar at the Australian National University, cautioned that an expansion of the war would be “hell for the whole region” and stressed the urgent need for a negotiated settlement, though he noted that diplomatic avenues appear increasingly narrow.

The United States has revoked the permanent residency of two women identified as relatives of the late Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani, the former head of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps foreign arm.According to a State Department statement released on Saturday, Hamideh Soleimani Afshar—Soleimani’s niece—and her daughter were arrested on Friday night and are now in the custody of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), which is seeking their removal from the country.The decision has sparked a debate over the limits of free‑speech protections in the United States and whether family members should be penalised for the actions or affiliations of their relatives.In its release, the State Department described Afshar as “an outspoken supporter of the totalitarian, terrorist regime in Iran,” adding that such rhetoric would not be tolerated under the Trump administration. The statement read: “The Trump Administration will not allow our country to become a home for foreign nationals who support anti‑American terrorist regimes.”Iranian media, however, quoted Afshar’s daughter, Zeinab Soleimani, who denied any connection to the late Quds Force leader, stating, “The individuals arrested in the United States have no connection whatsoever to martyr Soleimani, and the claim made by the US State Department is false.”The arrests occur at the five‑week mark of the U.S.‑Israel war on Iran, which began on February 28, 2026.This is the second known instance this month that the Trump administration has stripped legal immigration status from individuals allegedly linked to senior Iranian figures.Secretary of State Marco Rubio took to social media to claim credit for the action, writing, “This week, I terminated both Afshar and her daughter’s legal status.” He added that Afshar had “celebrated attacks on Americans and referred to our country as the ‘Great Satan.’”The State Department also highlighted Afshar’s “lavish lifestyle” in Los Angeles and noted that her husband has been barred from entering the United States.Similar pressure was applied earlier this month to Fatemeh Ardeshir‑Larijani, the daughter of the late Iranian official Ali Larijani. Both she and her husband, Seyed Kalantar Motamedi, had their U.S. immigration status revoked and were prohibited from re‑entering the country. Larijani, a former head of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, was killed in an Israeli airstrike on March 17.The moves reflect growing influence from conservative politicians and activists demanding the expulsion of individuals with familial ties to Iran’s leadership.Far‑right influencer and Trump ally Laura Loomer claimed she had reported Afshar to the State Department and thanked Rubio, calling the removal a “big scalp.” An online petition on Change.org, launched two months ago, had already gathered more than 4,000 signatures calling for Afshar’s deportation.Ardeshir‑Larijani, who previously worked in oncology at Emory University’s School of Medicine, became a target of protests after Iran’s crackdown on anti‑government demonstrators in December and January. A separate Change.org petition demanding her deportation amassed 157,017 signatures by Saturday.The petition emphasized her familial links to Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who was killed on the first day of the war, arguing that while she lives peacefully in the U.S., “countless young Iranians are dying in Iran due to the policies and decisions made by Ali Khamenei and his inner circle, including her father.”U.S. Congressman Earl “Buddy” Carter of Georgia echoed the call, urging that Ardeshir‑Larijani’s medical license be revoked. He wrote, “America’s medical institutions must not serve as a safe harbor for individuals connected by blood and loyalty to regimes that openly call for the death of Americans.”According to Emory’s student newspaper, The Emory Wheel, Ardeshir‑Larijani was no longer employed by the university as of January.

Jeffrey Stephen Wigand, a biochemist who helped reveal how tobacco companies targeted children and hid the addictive nature of cigarettes, has been drawing parallels between the tobacco industry and social media companies. Wigand, who played a crucial role in the landmark tobacco trials of the 1990s, believes that social media companies have similarly designed their products to be addictive, particularly targeting children.The recent verdict in a major social media trial, which found Meta and YouTube liable for their role in creating addictive products, has strengthened comparisons to the legal crackdown on big tobacco. Wigand sees it as a similar situation, where companies prioritize profits over people's well-being. He notes that both industries use advertisements to target children, with social media companies using data to create addictive algorithms.Wigand's experience in the tobacco industry informs his perspective on social media. He was hired by Brown & Williamson (B&W;) in 1989 to develop a safer cigarette but was fired after raising concerns about carcinogenic substances in cigarettes. He then publicly declared that the tobacco industry was a 'nicotine delivery business' and helped the federal government in its investigations.Wigand believes that social media companies, like tobacco companies, intentionally addict people, especially children, to generate revenue. He emphasizes that brain development in children makes them vulnerable to addiction, and that social media companies exploit this vulnerability.The tobacco industry faced significant reforms and financial penalties following Wigand's whistleblowing. He hopes that similar actions will be taken against social media companies, including putting guardrails on access for children and holding companies accountable for their role in creating harm. Wigand's message to tech workers considering becoming whistleblowers is to carefully weigh the personal costs and prepare for the challenges that come with speaking out.

The World Health Organisation (WHO) has issued a stern warning against the ongoing US-Israeli attacks on Iranian healthcare facilities, amid the escalating conflict. The organisation's chief, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, reported that over 20 attacks on healthcare facilities in Iran have been verified since March 1, resulting in at least nine deaths, including an infectious diseases health worker and a member of the Iranian Red Crescent Society.The Pasteur Institute in Tehran, one of the oldest research and health facilities in the country, has sustained significant damage and was rendered unable to continue delivering health services. Iranian Ministry of Health spokesperson Hossein Kermanpour shared images of the heavily damaged building on social media, with parts of the facility reduced to rubble.Despite the attacks, Iran's ISNA news agency reported that the services of the Pasteur Institute have not been interrupted, and vaccine and serum production would continue. The WHO chief emphasised that the Institute plays a crucial role in protecting and promoting population health, particularly in emergencies.The attacks have not been limited to the Pasteur Institute. The WHO has reported damage to other healthcare facilities, including the Delaram Sina Psychiatric Hospital and the Tofigh Daru pharmaceutical facility, with no casualties reported. An explosion near the Imam Ali Hospital in Khuzestan province led to the facility's evacuation and cessation of services.Tedros stressed that humanitarian workers, ambulances, relief supplies, and humanitarian facilities must be respected and protected under international law. The Geneva Conventions, agreed upon after World War II, designate healthcare facilities as protected locations.The Iranian Red Crescent Society reported that a warehouse belonging to the organisation was targeted, destroying two-wheeled relief containers and two buses and relief vehicles. According to the organisation, 307 health, medical, and emergency care facilities have been damaged in the war.

Peptides are short chains of amino acids that naturally occur in the body, acting as hormones such as insulin, oxytocin and vasopressin, or as fragments released during protein digestion.In recent years, a wave of interest has turned these molecules into purported therapeutic agents for everything from weight loss to anti‑ageing and tissue repair. Prescription drugs like semaglutide (Wegovy) and tirzepatide (Mounjaro) are synthetic peptides that have undergone rigorous clinical testing and are approved for specific medical uses.However, a large portion of the market consists of unregulated, experimental peptides sold for self‑administration. These products often bypass the strict approval processes required for medicines, raising serious safety concerns.Who is using these products? Initially confined to a niche of powerlifters and bodybuilders in the 2010s, the audience has expanded dramatically. Influential figures such as podcaster Joe Rogan have promoted combinations like the “Wolverine stack” (BPC‑157 and TB‑500) for injury recovery, while other compounds—CJC‑1295, MK‑677, ipamorelin, and GHK‑Cu—are marketed for muscle growth and anti‑ageing. Social media platforms are now flooded with instructions on purchasing and injecting these substances.Scientific backing is scant. Reviews of the literature reveal that most experimental peptides have only been tested in animal or cell models. For example, BPC‑157 shows promise for tendon and muscle repair in pre‑clinical studies, but no randomized human trials have validated these effects. Similarly, TB‑4 and its synthetic analogue TB‑500 have demonstrated limited blood‑vessel formation in laboratory settings, yet human data are absent and both are listed as prohibited substances by the World Anti‑Doping Agency.Researchers also highlight a critical knowledge gap: dosage, frequency and treatment duration remain undefined, making self‑administration a gamble.Legal landscape in the UK is clear that peptides not classified as medicines fall outside the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency’s (MHRA) remit. If a seller makes medicinal claims, the product must hold a marketing authorisation under the Human Medicines Regulations 2012. The MHRA warns that labeling items as “research use only” does not shield vendors from enforcement when evidence shows the products are intended for human consumption.Health risks are multi‑fold. Experts caution that benefits observed in animal studies do not guarantee safety in humans. Contamination with harmful impurities or bacterial endotoxins can trigger severe reactions, including septic shock. Injecting excess natural peptides may disrupt the body’s tightly regulated hormonal balance, potentially affecting multiple physiological pathways.There is also theoretical concern that augmenting peptide levels could accelerate tumour growth, as some cancers over‑express certain peptide pathways. While no direct cases have been documented, the possibility underscores the need for caution.Additional dangers include improper injection techniques (e.g., air embolism), unknown interactions with existing medications, and the lack of systematic monitoring of long‑term effects. As one researcher put it, “If something goes wrong, users may never notice until irreversible damage has occurred.”

When the sanctioned Russian tanker Anatoly Kolodkin docked at Matanzas and off‑loaded roughly 700,000 barrels of crude, observers were left questioning why Washington had temporarily lifted its oil embargo on the island.Just weeks earlier, President Donald Trump had taken to social media to declare an end to any oil or cash flowing to Cuba. Yet, in a stark reversal, he later told reporters he had no objection to oil shipments reaching the country, allowing the Russian vessel to pass.Adding to the intrigue, Cuban authorities announced the release of 2,010 prisoners as a “humanitarian gesture” for Holy Week. Analysts quickly linked the pardons to the tanker’s arrival, interpreting both moves as evidence of ongoing, albeit secret, talks between Washington and Havana.The U.S. oil blockade has already pushed Cuba’s fragile economy to the brink: tourism has all but vanished after airlines from Canada, Russia, China and France withdrew, with Iberia set to exit by the end of May. Most petrol stations are shuttered and blackouts have become a daily reality.Population estimates now sit at 9.5 million, down from a pre‑crisis peak after a two‑million‑person exodus over the past five years. Citizens describe a systemic collapse of health, education and transport services.With official channels silent, Cubans are piecing together fragmented leaks—largely from the U.S. side—to gauge the direction of the negotiations.The dialogue pits Trump’s hard‑line rhetoric, which vows to “take” the island, against Cuba’s insistence that its political system is non‑negotiable.One diplomat suggested the tanker’s arrival could be a tactical humanitarian showcase, but also noted it might serve as a confidence‑building measure. The simultaneous prisoner release leans toward the latter interpretation.Professor William LeoGrande of American University observed that such reciprocal gestures often precede substantive diplomatic progress.Meanwhile, another Russian‑flagged tanker, the Sea Horse, carrying about 200,000 barrels, was sighted moving toward Venezuela, hinting at a coordinated “carrot” strategy aimed at both Havana and Caracas.Although oil alone is unlikely to compel the Cuban regime to relinquish power, the recent events suggest a more transactional pathway may be emerging.Since 2021, Cuba has nurtured a private sector of over 10,000 small‑ and medium‑sized enterprises (Mipymes), spawning a new class of affluent Cubans often tied to the regime and the army’s economic arm, Gaesa.Negotiations appear to be led by Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, a grandson of former President Raúl Castro and son of the late Gaesa chief Luis Rodríguez López‑Calleja.In a recent CNN interview, Fidel Castro’s grandson Sandro Castro, a 33‑year‑old influencer and businessman, argued that the majority of Cubans now favor a capitalist model over communism.His open criticism of President Miguel Díaz‑Canel—calling his performance “unsatisfactory”—would normally trigger state security action, yet appears tolerated, suggesting the U.S. may be leveraging Díaz‑Canel’s vulnerability in the talks.Analysts speculate a possible outcome where Cuba’s economy opens to foreign investment while senior Castros retain political influence, aligning with Trump’s expressed desire for a “friendly” transition reminiscent of recent moves in Venezuela.One senior diplomat in Havana noted that the United States might permit existing private businesses to continue operating, provided they also open markets to U.S. interests.The prospect of any Castro family member retaining authority is likely to provoke fierce opposition from hard‑line Cuban‑American groups, epitomized by figures like Marco Rubio, who have long advocated for the Castros’ removal.Perhaps the greatest concern remains the roughly 40 % of Cubans who are not part of the private sector and rely on state support; many are elderly and now face the very real threat of starvation.

US President Donald Trump has intensified his rhetoric against Iran, suggesting that the United States aims to seize the country's oil industry. In a recent social media post, Trump stated that with more time, the US can 'easily open the Hormuz Strait, take the oil, and make a fortune.' This assertion marks a significant escalation in his statements regarding Iran. The strategic Hormuz Strait, a critical waterway for global oil shipments, has been effectively blocked by Iran early in the conflict, leading to a surge in energy prices. Trump's comments come as the US and Israel continue their military campaign against Iran, with the war now entering its sixth week. Under international law, specifically the doctrine of Permanent Sovereignty over Natural Resources adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1962, oil and minerals are considered to belong to the countries where they are located. Trump's repeated calls for 'taking the oil' in countries involved in US military actions, including Iraq and Venezuela, have been controversial. Despite the assassinations of top Iranian officials and daily bombardments by the US and Israel, the Iranian government remains in control of the country's natural resources. The US has no publicly known military presence on the ground in Iran, and Trump did not provide details on how his administration plans to control Iran's oil. Trump's suggestion that replicating the Venezuelan model in Iran is possible but would require prolonging the war has sparked concerns. He expressed a preference for taking Iran's oil but noted that the US public may not have the patience for a prolonged conflict. Legal experts have criticized Trump's threats to bomb civilian infrastructure, including power stations and water desalination plants, as potential war crimes under international law. Iran's Foreign Ministry spokesperson has likened the US attacks to ISIS tactics, highlighting the devastating impact on civilian populations.

Iranian military units have launched a coordinated search for the two pilots of a United States F‑15 fighter jet that was struck by an Iranian air‑defence system over the country's southwest region. The operation, reported by the state‑run Fars news agency, is the first documented crew‑recovery effort since the US‑Israeli war with Iran began on 28 February. State media released images showing the aircraft's wreckage, including an ejection seat attached to a parachute, underscoring the seriousness of the incident. Reuters cited two U.S. officials confirming that a fighter jet was downed and that a search‑and‑rescue mission is underway for any survivors. Iranian Parliament Speaker Mohammad‑Bagher Ghalibaf used the event to mock President Donald Trump’s repeated claims of victory, posting on social media that the conflict had been reduced from "regime change" to a plea for the location of the pilots. According to Iranian reports, the downed aircraft was an F‑15 likely crewed by two pilots. The Pentagon and U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) have not issued an immediate comment, a pattern consistent with past Iranian claims that CENTCOM swiftly denied. Local Iranian television broadcast footage of the jet's debris, and officials appealed to civilians to remain vigilant for any survivors. The governor of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer‑Ahmad province announced that anyone who captures the crew would receive special commendation, as relayed by the semi‑official ISNA news agency. U.S. lawmakers responded with statements of support. Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer posted on X, "I’m praying for the safe return of the crew aboard the fighter jet and all of those working to rescue them in these dangerous conditions." Since the war's onset, the United States has reported the loss of three F‑15s in a friendly‑fire incident over Kuwait and a refuelling aircraft that crashed in Iraq, killing six crew members. Iran, meanwhile, claims to have downed dozens of U.S. drones and continues to assert that its new air‑defence system, introduced after the 12‑day war, remains operational. While President Trump and his advisers repeatedly assert that the United States has neutralised Iran’s air‑defences, the downing of the jet and the ensuing search highlight the ongoing volatility of the conflict.

Iranian footballer Mona Hamoudi had one ambition when she boarded the flight to Australia for the Women’s Asian Cup: to play well. However, the tournament became a test of her skills, patience, and ability to make difficult decisions under enormous pressure.Hamoudi, a 32-year-old midfielder, was part of the Iranian national squad that travelled to Australia in early March. The trip unravelled into one of the most scrutinised episodes in the history of Iranian women’s sport. The squad had remained silent during the national anthem ahead of their Asia Cup opener against South Korea on March 2, two days after the United States and Israel went to war with Iran and killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.Their silence was perceived by some as a protest against the Iranian government, and Iran’s state television branded the women as “traitors”. The players sang the anthem at their next two matches, but fears for their safety grew further after it was reported in the media that they were being monitored by Iranian government and football officials.Following Iran’s elimination at the group stage, five players – Hamoudi among them – claimed asylum and were granted humanitarian visas by the Australian authorities. However, after the rest of the squad left Australia on March 10, five of the seven later reversed course and said they would return to Iran – including Hamoudi.Hamoudi and teammate Zahra Sarbali describe the decision to return to Iran as inseparable from a sense of duty; to family, teammates, and “national obligation”, rather than a purely free choice made in calm and safety. They faced harassment and constant following from media and social media, and the expectations and pressure from the Iranian-Australian community.The journey back to Tehran was marked by fear and tension, with the media attention that had followed them throughout the tournament only intensifying once they were back in Iran. The football federation offered formal support, and the players appeared on national television after their return and resumed training as normal.On March 19, the team were met in Tehran with a hero’s welcome from the public, with several thousand people gathering in Valiasr Square, many holding Iranian flags. However, fears remain over the consequences for their careers and how their every future action might be interpreted.Maryam Irandoust, a former head coach of the Iranian women’s national team, said these experiences will carry a psychological weight onto the pitch, directly affecting performances in training and in matches. Adel Ferdosipour, a veteran Iranian sports journalist, warned that any punishment of the players could deter future footballers from representing Iran.