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Cuba’s government declared a humanitarian amnesty for 2,010 prisoners ahead of Easter’s Holy Week, a decision it says follows a careful review of each inmate’s conduct, health, and time served. The announcement, made by state media on Thursday, represents the second such amnesty this year and the fifth large‑scale pardon since 2011, bringing the total to more than 11,000 released individuals. While Havana officially denies acting under U.S. pressure, the timing aligns with what analysts describe as the most aggressive Washington campaign against the island in decades. The move comes a day after Cuba’s top diplomat in Washington invited the United States to assist in overhauling the island’s “crippled” economy, part of ongoing talks that have yet to produce concrete outcomes. U.S. officials, including President Trump’s administration, have repeatedly called for a change of government in the communist‑run state, with the president even musing about “taking” the island. Yet recent diplomatic exchanges suggest a nuanced shift: both sides have held talks, and scholars note that the amnesty could be a tangible sign of progress, however modest. University of Miami Cuban‑studies chair Michael Bustamante told AFP, “It seems not far‑fetched to think that this is a sign that some of the conversation between both governments is advancing… To where? Unclear.” He added that the political significance will depend on the profile of those released. The Cuban presidency did not disclose the names or crimes of the pardoned individuals, but indicated the group includes young people, women, and inmates over 60 who are slated for early release within the next six to twelve months. Foreign nationals and Cuban expatriates are also among those granted clemency. Importantly, the amnesty excludes anyone convicted of murder, sexual assault, drug‑related offenses, theft, illegal livestock slaughter, or crimes against state authority. Earlier in March, the government freed 51 prisoners as a “good‑will” gesture toward the Vatican, which often mediates between Washington and Havana. The current pardon is framed as part of the “humanitarian legacy of the Revolution” and is presented as customary practice during Holy Week. The release coincides with Russia’s announcement of a second oil tanker bound for Cuba, following a recent easing of the U.S. oil blockade that allowed the first shipment. Bustamante speculated that the timing may not be coincidental, suggesting a possible link between U.S. policy shifts and Cuba’s diplomatic overtures. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, a Cuban‑American critic of Havana, reiterated on Fox News that Cuba’s economic woes cannot be solved without political reform, warning that the island faces “a lot of trouble.”

At the Oxford Brookes Headington campus, a group of over 100 students are working tirelessly to build the fastest and best-designed race car possible for this year’s Formula Student competition.The Oxford Brookes Racing (OBR) team, the UK’s most prestigious Formula Student team, has won more design awards than any other UK university and frequently secures top spots in the international race held annually at Silverstone.Success in the competition is crucial as it gets the team noticed by the industry, where a handful of engineering jobs can have upwards of 10,000 applicants. Several OBR alumni are currently working in every Formula One team.“A lot of the coverage on TV is based around the drivers, but not really the actual engineers,” said Thomas Cawdery, a team manager and third-year motorsports technology student. “This is what you don’t see in Formula One. The engineers who make it happen.”The OBR team is entirely run by students and operates out of two buildings, where scores of people are working hard – cutting and shaping carbon fibre chassis by hand, and running simulations on computers. Students of all ages are teaching and learning from one another.While actual Formula One cars have much more power than the students are allowed for safety reasons, the complexity of the cars is very similar. “They’re the same if not more complex than Formula One cars,” Cawdery said.The OBR team surpasses industry expectations in some aspects, particularly in terms of gender balance. Unlike most Formula One teams, where only about 10% of engineers are women, OBR has a much better gender balance.Emma Deery, a first-year mechanical engineering student, finds the inclusive environment encouraging. “In the industry, a lot of women find themselves the only woman on their team. Here it’s different. We have a lot more women and a lot of women in leadership roles.”The OBR team will compete for the top spot this summer against 102 other teams from 27 countries. The competition is a useful recruitment tool for big industry names, as it showcases innovative engineering skills.Ross Brawn, the legendary former team principal, once said, “There are two really innovative forms of motorsport left. One of them is Formula One and the other one is Formula Student.”

‘Your Friends & Neighbours’ returns for a second season that doubles down on its deliciously dark satire of the ultra‑rich enclave of Westport, New York – a thinly veiled stand‑in for Westchester’s high‑finance playground. The series remains a “rich dessert” of a show: indulgent, a little unhealthy, but undeniably moreish.Jon Hamm reprises Andrew “Coop” Cooper, a former Manhattan hedge‑fund star who now survives by burgling the opulent homes of his equally extravagant neighbours. Coop’s charisma is built on a blend of oak‑like steadiness and a perpetual tumbler of $500 whisky, allowing him to charm both victims and collaborators. Unlike Don Draper’s secret shame, Coop’s anxiety is a quieter, more comedic driver that fuels the season’s caper.Season two opens with Coop, now approaching fifty, injuring his back while rifling a mansion’s study. The mishap forces him to rely on his longtime lookout Elena (Aimee Carrero) and brings a new, reluctant ally into the fold. Meanwhile, the arrival of the flamboyant billionaire Owen (James Marsden) rattles the delicate Westport ecosystem, adding fresh tension to the criminal enterprise.The narrative also shifts focus to the personal toll of wealth. Coop’s ex‑wife Mel (Amanda Peet) navigates perimenopause and the looming emptiness of her children leaving for college, while their daughter Tori (Isabel Gravitt) deliberately flunks a Princeton interview, railing against the university as a “engine of rigged, corrosive capitalism.” This scene underscores the show’s satirical edge, reminding viewers that the glittering excess is built on fragile foundations.Despite its glossy façade, the series offers unexpected emotional depth. Hamm and Peet convey a wistful sadness that resonates beyond the bank‑balance zeros, suggesting that middle‑aged ex‑lovers remain bound by past mistakes. The season balances heist thrills with moments of genuine heart, positioning the show as a guilty‑pleasure dramedy that “gets away with it.”Your Friends & Neighbours is currently streaming on Apple TV+.

Bath’s historic Farleigh House training centre has been spruced up this week with black flags fluttering alongside a new “Choose Greatness” banner, signalling the club’s ambition as they approach a Champions Cup last‑16 tie with Saracens. For Max Ojomoh, the atmosphere feels like a personal challenge. Just weeks after collecting the Man of the Match award for his decisive performance against Argentina, the 25‑year‑old found himself omitted from Steve Borthwick’s Six Nations squad. Ojomoh believes that a dominant display for Bath – especially after the 62‑15 demolition of Saracens in the Premiership – could revive his England prospects, but he also acknowledges that national selectors may have a specific back‑line profile in mind for the upcoming World Cup. Reflecting on his Argentina heroics, Ojomoh said, “If that was my final Test, I’m happy to have left a mark on international rugby.” Yet the disappointment of watching England lose to Ireland from a Moroccan pub underscores how close the margins are for a player on the fringe. He explained the selection dilemma: with centre Ollie Lawrence returning from injury, the squad needed a more physical ball‑carrier, and Ojomoh’s role as a second‑receiver/playmaker meant he was the one to make way. England’s coaching staff have asked him to sharpen three key areas – post‑contact metres, defensive intensity and overall work‑rate. While these are valid targets, Ojomoh points out that few English centres combine his blend of pace, vision and creative kicking. Back at Bath, his partnership with newly‑signed Finn Russell has blossomed. “When we signed Finn, I didn’t expect us to think alike on attack,” Ojomoh remarked, highlighting a shared instinct that fuels his confidence. Coach Johann van Graan’s influence is evident, with the club’s motivational signage and a focused training environment that Ojomoh describes as “single‑minded”. He hopes the upcoming match will provide a platform for a first home Champions Cup quarter‑final since 2002. Family wisdom also plays a role; his father, former England centre Steve Ojomoh, reminded him that “the cream always rises to the top”. With a business degree from the University of Bath and a hobby of online chess, the younger Ojomoh is aware that consistent club performances could shift national perception. Looking ahead, Ojomoh is determined to make the 2027 World Cup squad. He admits that obsession over selection can be self‑destructive, emphasizing the need for mental clarity and playing with the same confidence he shows in his head. As Bath prepares for the high‑stakes clash with Saracens, Ojomoh’s mantra remains clear: choose greatness, stay true to his strengths, and let his on‑field X‑factor speak for itself.

The United States has a long history of threatening to carpet bomb countries, with President Donald Trump recently warning Iran that he would bomb the country 'back to the stone ages.' This rhetoric is not new, as US leaders have made similar threats in the past.During his prime-time address to the nation, Trump said, referring to Iran: 'We are going to hit them extremely hard over the next two to three weeks, we're going to bring them back to the stone ages, where they belong.' Trump also said 'discussions are ongoing,' adding that the conflict could end over the same period.The current war on Iran began on February 28 when the US and Israel launched their attacks. Tehran hit back, targeting Israel and Gulf countries. More than 2,000 Iranians have been killed in the war so far. Thousands of civilian sites, including hospitals, schools, universities, and pharmaceutical factories, have been attacked by Israel and the US.Janina Dill, a global security professor at the University of Oxford, told Al Jazeera that if Trump's 'stone ages' threat implies that the US will destroy structures and buildings that characterise a modern society, 'then this would be illegal because it implies directing attacks against civilian objects.'The phrase 'bombing back to the stone ages' is widely associated with US Air Force officer Curtis LeMay, in the context of US threats against North Vietnam in LeMay's 1965 book, Mission with LeMay. LeMay wrote: 'We're going to bomb them back into the Stone Age.'The US carried out intensive bombing in South Vietnam, as well as in Cambodia and Laos, claiming to target enemy bases and supply routes. Overall, millions of Vietnamese soldiers and civilians were killed or wounded in the war.In January 1991, the US led a global coalition to force out Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Former US Secretary of State James Baker threatened that the US would bomb Iraq 'back to the Stone Age' if it did not withdraw from Kuwait.During World War II, the US carpet bombed Japanese cities, as well as cities in Asia that were controlled by Japanese forces. During the Korean War, the US carried out heavy bombing in North Korea, which some officials said destroyed almost every town.

In the midst of ongoing conflict between Iran, the US, and Israel, a beacon of hope and joy has emerged at the Children's Medical Center in Tehran. The hospital, operating under the Tehran University of Medical Sciences, has become a sanctuary for young patients and their families, providing a much-needed respite from the stress and anxiety of war.On Thursday, families across Iran celebrated Sizdah Bedar, or Nature Day, marking the 13th day of Nowruz, the Persian New Year. While many gathered at Pardisan Park in Tehran to spend time with loved ones, a group of doctors and healthcare providers at the Children's Medical Center worked tirelessly to create a joyful experience for children who could not join in due to illness.Resident doctors and interns have been pooling their own resources and relying on donations to organise activities for the children. The hospital, which has not been impacted by strikes unlike some other medical facilities in Tehran, has seen a decline in patient numbers due to the war, with some parents opting to take their children to paediatric facilities in other cities perceived as safer.Dr. Samaneh Kavousi, one of the organisers, emphasised the importance of providing relief to children and their families, stating, 'We've been trying to do what we can to relieve some of that anxiety.' The hospital's efforts have included art therapy, music, and play activities, as well as distributing fun bags filled with toys and food.Despite the challenges posed by the war, the hospital remains prepared to quickly bounce back to normal activity levels when the conflict ends. Dr. Zeynab Aalihaghi, another resident organiser, noted that the facility faces no shortage of medicine at the moment and hopes to continue helping children and their families.As the war continues, the Children's Medical Center in Tehran stands as a testament to the resilience and dedication of healthcare personnel and the importance of providing hope and joy to those affected by conflict.

Europe’s attention is fixed on Hungary’s parliamentary election scheduled for April 12, a contest many analysts view as a litmus test for the bloc’s cohesion on foreign‑policy, defence, energy and migration. Since coming to power, Prime Minister Viktor Orban has consistently blocked EU initiatives: he has refused to join a common asylum framework, opposed a joint defence scheme, resisted the shift toward renewable‑energy independence while still importing Russian hydrocarbons, and vetoed both Ukraine’s accession talks and a proposed €90 billion low‑interest loan package for Kyiv. These actions have made Hungary the most disruptive member state in the Union, prompting observers to argue that the election’s outcome will reverberate far beyond Budapest’s borders. Greek conservative MP Angelos Syrigos warned that the EU is plagued by “fanatically Trump‑like and pro‑Russian” governments, naming Hungary and Slovakia as examples. He told Al Jazeera that the constant threat of an Orban veto forces other capitals to seek ad‑hoc compromises rather than genuine consensus. Opposition leader Peter Magyar of the Tisza party is campaigning on a pro‑European platform, pledging a binding referendum on Ukraine’s membership, a crackdown on corruption, the release of billions in frozen EU funds, and a reversal of Hungary’s withdrawal from the International Criminal Court. Current polls give Tisza roughly 50 % of the vote, a ten‑point lead over the ruling Fidesz, though the political landscape remains fluid. Even a Magyar victory would not automatically resolve the EU’s structural challenges. Other illiberal leaders—such as Slovakia’s Robert Fico and the Czech Republic’s Andrej Babiš—could step into a vacuum of obstructionism. Nevertheless, some scholars argue that Orban’s habit of breaking consensus has forced the Union to become more pragmatic. At a December 2023 summit, EU leaders temporarily excluded Orban to secure unanimous approval of Ukraine’s candidate status, later offering Hungary a €10 billion release of blocked funds as an incentive. Professor Katalin Miklossy of the University of Helsinki explained that the EU has shifted from a rigid, rule‑bound approach to a more flexible, problem‑solving mindset, saying, “We were weak when we clung to the book; now we act more practically.” Should Orban remain in power, the bloc is considering a workaround: issuing 26 bilateral loans to Ukraine from member states, bypassing any single‑country veto. Historical precedent exists. In 2010, when Greece’s debt crisis threatened the euro, EU members created the Greek Loan Facility—an ad‑hoc series of bilateral loans that compensated for the lack of a common rescue fund. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that delays in funding could leave the Ukrainian army under‑resourced, underscoring the geopolitical stakes of the Hungarian vote. The EU’s inability to move from unanimity to qualified‑majority voting—an ambition thwarted by failed French and Dutch referenda in 2005—has amplified Orban’s leverage. Yet the Union continues to evolve, having launched a common bond in 2020 to revive the pandemic‑hit economy and, since Russia’s 2022 invasion, channeling resources into a nascent European defence union. Orban’s recent reversal on the €90 billion Ukraine loan—after Kyiv refused to repair the Druzhba pipeline damaged by a Russian bomb—illustrates the volatility of his stance. He initially agreed to the loan in December, on the condition that Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic would not be required to co‑sign, only to withdraw support a month later. Even if Magyar secures a parliamentary majority, the promised loan may not materialise immediately. Cambridge‑based expert Victoria Vdovychenko notes that a decision made in December 2025 to disburse funds from January 2026 has already stalled, with the next realistic window possibly in June. Academics stress that a Tisza victory would deliver a psychological boost to the EU and its trans‑Atlantic partners, injecting confidence into a system battling “stealth creep of illiberalism” and economic disenfranchisement. Professor SM Amadae of Cambridge’s Centre for the Study of Existential Risk warned that while a change in Hungary could energise citizens, the entrenched gerrymandering and patronage networks of Fidesz present formidable obstacles to lasting reform. In sum, the April 12 election is more than a domestic contest; it is a pivotal moment that could reshape the EU’s decision‑making architecture, determine the flow of critical aid to Ukraine, and signal the future trajectory of populist politics across Europe.

Spain's coastal towns are taking proactive measures to prepare for tsunamis, a threat that has been historically underestimated. The town of Chipiona, located on the Atlantic coast, has become Spain's first 'tsunami-ready' community, recognized by the Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission (IOC) of UNESCO in 2024. Chipiona's mayor, Luis Mario Aparcero Fernández, emphasizes the importance of public awareness and education in tsunami preparedness. The town conducts annual evacuation drills, and information boards have been installed to inform residents and tourists about what to do in case of a tsunami. The town's tsunami-ready status is part of a larger regional goal to establish 25 tsunami-ready communities by the end of this year and prepare all communities at risk by 2030. Jorge Macías, a tsunami modeller at the University of Málaga, stresses that preparedness is key, as the Mediterranean will experience a tsunami of at least a metre in height in the next 30 to 50 years with '100% certainty'. Spain's national tsunami warning system can detect an offshore earthquake and compute an initial assessment within three to five minutes. However, in the Mediterranean, this may leave only minutes to evacuate. Juan Vicente Cantavella, the director of the National Tsunami Warning System in Spain, notes that tsunami wave height is often underestimated, and even small waves can cause significant damage. Despite progress in some areas, much of the Costa del Sol remains in the earlier stages of planning, with sparse public signage and unclear evacuation routes. Miriam García, a geomorphologist and urban planner, highlights the vulnerability of Spain's Mediterranean coast, which was built without considering tsunami risks. The article concludes that preparedness is not about predicting the day and time of a tsunami, but about choosing not to be surprised when nature eventually repeats what history and geology say it will.

The ongoing closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a crucial oil and gas shipping route blocked by Iran since the US-Israeli attacks began, is having ripple effects around the world. If the strait remains closed, transport blockages across the Middle East could cause significant shocks to food and medicine supplies in the UK.UK Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper is hosting a meeting with 35 other countries to discuss reopening the strait. Experts warn that a prolonged closure could lead to food price inflation doubling in England and medicine shortages due to disrupted supply chains.Impact on Food SuppliesProf Tim Lang from City St George's, University of London, warns that 'all bets are off' for food supplies if the crisis continues. Rising fossil fuel prices will impact food transportation and production, as fuel is used to transport food and produce fertilizers and other inputs.The farming sector is already facing problems, with dairy production hit due to delayed fertilizer purchases and salad vegetable and dairy producers facing disruptions. Iranian imports like pistachios and saffron are also affected.Impact on Medicine SuppliesWhile there's no hard evidence of medicine shortages yet, price increases are being seen, which can signal disruptions in the medicine supply chain. Iran does not manufacture many medicines but affects the sector through rising energy costs and transport links between major pharmaceutical-producing countries and the UK.David Weeks from Moody's notes that shortages are driven by delays in petrochemical precursors for active pharmaceutical ingredients. Medicine stockpiles in European countries, including the UK, can last up to six months, but long-term conflicts could lead to more severe shortages.