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Djibouti, a one‑million‑strong nation perched on the Bab al‑Mandeb Strait, is set to hold its presidential election on April 10. All signs point to incumbent Ismail Omar Guelleh securing a sixth term with little genuine opposition. The country’s strategic location—linking the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden—makes it a linchpin for global trade and a magnet for foreign military installations. The United States, France, China, Italy and Japan all maintain bases there, earning Djibouti the reputation of hosting the highest concentration of overseas military sites. Officially, Djibouti recognizes French and Arabic, while Somali and Afar are widely spoken among the two main ethnic groups, which together comprise roughly 95% of the population. Islam is practiced by about 94% of residents, and the Djiboutian franc remains the national currency. According to the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, 243,471 citizens—about a quarter of the population—are registered to vote, up from roughly 215,000 in the 2021 poll. Historical turnout averages around 67%. IGAD’s eight‑nation bloc has dispatched 17 observers from Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, South Sudan and Uganda to monitor the process, with a post‑vote statement slated for April 12. Ismail Omar Guelleh, 78, leads the ruling People’s Rally for Progress. After parliament lifted the 75‑year age ceiling in November and abolished term limits back in 2010, Guelleh is now eligible for another term. Critics label his rule as authoritarian, yet they also acknowledge the relative stability he has maintained in a volatile region. Guelleh’s administration has turned Djibouti’s lack of natural resources into a revenue engine by signing infrastructure deals with China and leasing military facilities to Western powers. In 2017, Finance Minister Ilyas Dawaleh estimated that the bases generate roughly $125 million annually, with the United States contributing nearly half of that sum. The U.S. installation, Camp Lemonnier, remains the only permanent American base on the continent. The sole challenger, Mohamed Farah Samatar, runs under the Unified Democratic Centre after breaking away from the ruling party. His campaign slogan—“another Djibouti is possible”—has resonated only modestly, and observers such as Horn‑of‑Africa expert Sonia le Gouriellec describe the contest as a “token competition”. Human‑rights advocates echo this sentiment, calling the election a “masquerade” and a foregone conclusion. Key issues dominate the discourse. Democratic freedoms have eroded; opposition parties have boycotted elections since 2016, and Guelleh captured over 90% of the vote in 2021. The country ranks 168th out of 180 in the 2025 Reporters Without Borders press‑freedom index, and allegations of corruption and nepotism persist, including speculation that Guelleh’s stepson, Naguib Abdallah Kamil, is being groomed for succession. Economically, Djibouti’s reliance on Chinese financing is creating fiscal strain. By 2026 the nation owed China roughly $1.2 billion in loans, prompting the IMF to label its debt profile “in distress and unsustainable”. Massive infrastructure projects—most notably a railway to Ethiopia—have failed to curb poverty, with 73% of the youth unemployed. The country’s lifeline is its port system, which handles virtually all of Ethiopia’s maritime trade, amounting to about $2 billion in annual revenue. Ethiopia’s recent flirtation with a Somaliland port deal threatened Djibouti’s monopoly, though a Turkey‑mediated agreement in late 2024 redirected Ethiopia toward a “reliable and sustainable” sea corridor with Somalia. In sum, the upcoming election is less about a competitive political showdown and more about reaffirming a status quo that intertwines Djibouti’s geopolitical leverage, foreign‑military income, and mounting debt challenges.

The conflict in Gaza has resulted in a significant number of amputations, with over 6,000 adults and children undergoing amputations since October 2023, according to the WHO and Palestinian Ministry of Health. Ola Jamal, 36, is one of the many Palestinians who have been forced to flee Gaza due to the conflict. She was breastfeeding her two-month-old son, Zain, when a missile struck al-Nasr hospital in Gaza, causing her to lose her arm. Jamal and her family were forced to separate, with her children being cared for by another family. This traumatic experience has had a lasting impact on Jamal and her children, with her son Zain still experiencing nightmares and trauma two years after the event. Shadi Sharif Ayesh al-Sous, a father of two, lost his leg in a missile strike while collecting firewood. He had his leg amputated above the knee and now waits to return home to Gaza. However, many Palestinians in Egypt face significant challenges, including restricted access to healthcare and prosthetic care due to their uncertain legal status. Yousef El Deeb, a certified prosthetist at Orthomedics in Cairo, says his clinic has treated about 300 Palestinian patients since October 2023, mostly through the support of NGOs. However, the lack of documentation and uncertain legal status of Palestinians in Egypt makes it difficult for them to access long-term prosthetic care without the support of NGOs. The situation for Palestinians in Egypt is further complicated by their lack of formal residency or refugee status. Without valid residency permits, survivors are often restricted to hostels or share a flat with other families, unable to work and living under the constant pressure of temporary status. This lack of documentation makes accessing hi-tech, long-term prosthetic care almost impossible without the support of NGOs.

Northampton Saints' JJ van der Mescht is a force to be reckoned with on the rugby field. Standing at an impressive 6ft 7in and weighing 23st, he is the joint-heaviest player in the Premiership. His size and strength make him a major collision threat, and his skills have earned him a spot in South Africa's alignment squad.Van der Mescht, 26, has a unique playing style that has drawn comparisons to Australia's Will Skelton. He is too heavy to be lifted regularly in the lineout, but his ability to give his team vital post-contact metres makes him a valuable asset. His director of rugby, Phil Dowson, describes him as 'a fly-half trapped in a second-row's body.'The South African lock has a personal connection with Bath prop Thomas du Toit, with whom he played as a youngster at the Sharks in Durban. He is eager to bump into his old friend during the match, and he expects a fierce encounter. Van der Mescht has dropped seven kilos since joining Northampton and currently weighs 146kg. He credits the club with rekindling his love for rugby, saying that he now enjoys the game again and feels happy.Van der Mescht's impressive performance has put him back on the South African radar, and he may be considered for the Springboks in the future. For now, he is focused on helping Northampton overcome Bath in the Champions Cup quarter-final. The match could be a prelude to another battle between England's top two sides in the Premiership final.

Dan Levy, creator of the hit sitcom 'Schitt's Creek', ventures into cringe comedy with 'Big Mistakes', a Netflix series that, while entertaining, struggles to find its footing. Levy stars as Nicky, a pastor hiding his relationship from his family and congregation, alongside Taylor Ortega as his rebellious sister Morgan. The show's strength lies in its cast, particularly Levy and Ortega, who deliver charming and hilarious performances. Laurie Metcalf also shines as their emotionally unstable mother. However, the plot often falters, relying on implausible developments and generic portrayals of organized crime. The dynamic between Levy's character and Ortega's is a highlight, showcasing Levy's expertise in crafting bickering, boundary-pushing on-screen families, reminiscent of 'Schitt's Creek'. The familial drama and cringe comedy elements are more engaging than the show's attempt at an organized crime storyline. Despite its shortcomings, 'Big Mistakes' is not a major failure but rather a passable effort. Levy's talent for creating relatable, flawed characters and humorous situations makes the show enjoyable, even if it doesn't quite reach the heights of his previous work.

The temporary cease‑fire in the US‑Israel‑Iran war has given Iran and China a strategic opening to challenge the US dollar’s supremacy in global finance. Both nations share a common objective: to reduce reliance on the greenback, especially in the oil sector where, according to a 2023 JP Morgan estimate, roughly 80% of transactions are settled in dollars. In a practical step toward this goal, Iran’s de‑facto toll‑booth system in the Strait of Hormuz—a chokepoint that handles about one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments—has started accepting transit fees in Chinese yuan. Lloyd’s List reported that at least two vessels had already paid in yuan by March 25, and China’s Ministry of Commerce later acknowledged the reports on social media. Iran’s embassy in Zimbabwe even called for the introduction of a “petroyuan” to the global oil market, underscoring the political symbolism of the move. While Tehran pledged to guarantee safe passage for two weeks under a US‑brokered cease‑fire, Beijing declined to comment. Harvard economist Kenneth Rogoff told Al Jazeera that Iran’s actions serve a dual purpose: they “poke a thumb in the United States’s eye” and provide a practical alternative to dollar‑based sanctions. Rogoff added that Iran’s shift to yuan aligns with China’s broader effort to redenominate trade among BRICS nations. For both countries, the yuan offers a way to sidestep US sanctions and lower transaction costs. Their trade relationship, cemented by a 25‑year strategic partnership signed in 2021, sees China buying over 80% of Iran’s oil—often at discounted rates—while Iran imports Chinese machinery, electronics, chemicals, and industrial components. Data from Kpler and TankerTrackers indicate that, despite the conflict, Iran’s oil exports to China have remained near pre‑war levels, ranging between 12 million and 13.7 million barrels in the first two weeks of hostilities. China’s ambition to elevate the yuan is long‑standing. President Xi Jinping, in a 2024 address, expressed hope that the yuan would become a global reserve currency. Yet significant hurdles remain: the yuan is not freely convertible due to strict capital controls, and the Chinese financial system is perceived as opaque, limiting broader adoption. According to the IMF, the dollar still dominated global foreign‑exchange reserves at 57% last year, far ahead of the euro’s 20% and the yuan’s modest 2%. Cross‑border trade settled in yuan rose to 3.7% in 2024, up from under 1% in 2012, per S&P; Global—an encouraging but limited shift. Natixis chief economist Alicia Garcia‑Herrero cautioned that the Strait of Hormuz experiment adds only “incremental pressure” and that a true “de‑dollarisation” would require Gulf states, which have priced oil in dollars since the 1970s in exchange for US security guarantees. European analyst Hosuk Lee‑Makiyama highlighted that China’s ability to supply Iran with essential goods makes the yuan a viable alternative, a dynamic not possible for Europe or Japan. He described China as the closest the world has seen to a “manufacturing one‑stop shop.” Consultancy founder Dan Steinbock echoed that while the dollar’s supremacy is unlikely to crumble overnight, the gradual increase in yuan usage could “chip away” at US dominance in specific sectors over time. Rogoff concluded that the long‑term impact hinges on the war’s outcome. If Iran and China emerge stronger, many countries may diversify away from the dollar to avoid US‑imposed financial constraints. Conversely, a decisive US victory could reinforce dollar hegemony for the foreseeable future.

In a revealing glimpse of the club’s ironclad exclusivity, a 2019 iMessage exchange shows Jeffrey Epstein pleading with Steve Bannon to secure a membership for Paul, Weiss partner Brad Karp. Bannon dismissed the request, describing Augusta’s governing families as "crackers" from the Old South who distrust lawyers and bankers, underscoring the club’s cultural gatekeeping. That anecdote illustrates a broader truth: money alone cannot buy entry to the Masters. Even former President Donald Trump has never been able to force his way onto the Augusta grounds, a rarity among high‑profile U.S. sporting events. Traditionally, most tickets are allocated to lifelong local patrons, a practice that has been frozen since the 1970s. The only official avenue for the public is an annual lottery, where the odds are so slim they make Tiger Woods’ chances of a sixth Green Jacket look generous. In practice, however, a lucrative secondary market emerged, with scalpers selling tickets for up to 50 times face value and operating just outside the 2,700‑foot anti‑scalping boundary mandated by Georgia law. Last year’s Masters turned into a "bloodbath" for the resale industry. An executive from a local hospitality firm reported that around 200 ticket holders were denied entry after the club began rigorously enforcing its anti‑scalping policy. Patrons were sometimes escorted to a room, asked for identification, and interrogated about how they obtained their tickets – a process likened to a police stop. According to insiders, the club’s four‑day tickets now contain RFID chips that allow staff to track each badge’s location nightly. The embedded barcodes allegedly store the buyer’s address, enabling staff to pinpoint resale activity. Some reports claim the club is even purchasing resale tickets en masse to uncover the identities of sellers, then sending a politely worded letter that permanently bans the recipient from the grounds. Ticket platforms have felt the impact. StubHub has introduced a new contract that makes sellers fully liable for any fees or charges if a buyer is turned away, while SeatGeek has ceased offering Masters tickets altogether. This decisive move by Augusta National signals a broader shift in how elite sports events manage secondary markets. Ultimately, the crackdown serves a dual purpose: protecting the club’s brand integrity and reinforcing its reputation as an institution that remains untouched by even the most powerful political figures. As the Masters approaches, the message is clear – the only way onto Augusta’s hallowed fairways is through its own tightly‑controlled channels, not through the influence of money, politics, or the resale trade.

The planet is in the grip of an unprecedented climate emergency. The past three years rank as the hottest on record, emissions remain at historic highs and the world is edging ever closer to the critical 1.5°C threshold that scientists warned must not be crossed. In response, a trio of creators – actor Megan Prescott, filmmaker Bree Essrig and self‑described “climate narrative strategist” Jessica Riches – have launched Headline Newds, a series of bite‑size videos released through the non‑profit arm of Adam McKay’s Yellow Dot Studios. The series pairs climate data with the visual style of OnlyFans models, aiming to capture attention where traditional messaging has struggled. The concept echoes McKay’s own gamble with The Big Short (2015), where he hired Margot Robbie to explain complex mortgage‑backed securities while bathing. By swapping finance for climate, the creators hope to avoid the “long, boring explanation” that often alienates viewers. The debut episode, titled The Sun is Daddy, features Prescott gradually disrobing while arguing that solar power could satisfy global energy demand using less land than the fossil‑fuel sector. She frames the argument with the line “Daddy is a giver,” blending sensuality with a factual claim. Provocation is intentional. The Yellow Dot website admits the clips are likely to be taken down on Instagram and YouTube for breaching content policies, but they will remain accessible on OnlyFans, a platform perceived as more tolerant of adult‑oriented material. That platform may also be where the series makes its biggest splash. While mainstream users might approach the videos with a pre‑formed understanding, OnlyFans subscribers are less likely to expect in‑depth climate analysis, potentially making the stark facts about “impending global collapse” more memorable. Only the first episode is currently live, and critics note that the solar‑energy message is already widely accepted, questioning whether the series is reaching beyond basic awareness. Future installments promise sharper focus. An upcoming episode, Spank Banks, will see dominatrix Eva Oh name the banks that profit most from fossil‑fuel projects while delivering a literal spanking. Another short clip features model Sabrina Jade outlining the oil industry’s tactics to downplay its environmental impact, all within a two‑minute runtime that includes more “pelvic grinding” than typical educational content. Whether Headline Newds proves a catalyst for change remains uncertain. It has already generated the media buzz it sought, but its capacity to translate provocation into concrete climate action will likely be judged by any follow‑up series and measurable shifts in audience behaviour. Headline Newds can be watched on YouTube, Instagram and OnlyFans.

Ryanair is paying airport ground staff €2.50 (£2.20) for every oversized cabin bag they confiscate, a tactic championed by CEO Michael O’Leary to enforce the airline’s strict baggage limits.The airline defines an oversized bag as any item exceeding 40 cm × 30 cm × 20 cm. Passengers who cannot fit their luggage into the gate‑side cage must pay a levy of up to £75 to travel with the bag.O’Leary says the bounty program has been “very successful,” noting a dramatic drop in the number of passengers attempting to board with oversized items. He even increased the bounty by an additional euro last year, stating he “makes no apology for the policy.”While Ryanair’s dimensions are stricter than many rivals—EasyJet, for example, allows bags up to 45 cm × 36 cm × 20 cm—the airline’s limits are actually 33% larger than the EU’s minimum free‑bag size of 40 cm × 30 cm × 15 cm, after a recent 20% volume increase.Travelers who exceed the limits can purchase a Ryanair‑approved cabin bag for £40‑£50 or pay a fee to carry a larger bag on board, ranging from £12 to £36 depending on the route—sometimes exceeding the cost of the seat itself.The aggressive enforcement has sparked criticism over “draconian” interpretation of the rules, but O’Leary dismisses the backlash, arguing the approach protects the airline’s low‑cost model and deters passengers from exploiting loopholes.Industry observers note that Ryanair’s bounty scheme illustrates a broader trend of airlines monetising ancillary services, raising questions about consumer rights and the need for clearer, possibly regulated, cabin‑baggage standards across Europe.

The looming conflict in Iran has raised concerns about the potential impact on global oil prices, which could have far-reaching consequences for Africa's economy. As a significant importer of oil, the continent is vulnerable to fluctuations in the global market. Rising oil prices could lead to increased inflation, reduced economic growth, and a decline in living standards for many Africans.Africa's economic resilience will be put to the test as the conflict in Iran threatens to disrupt global oil supplies. The continent's dependence on oil imports makes it particularly susceptible to price shocks. Countries with large oil imports, such as South Africa and Nigeria, will be among the hardest hit.The article highlights the need for Africa to diversify its economy and reduce its reliance on oil imports. Investing in renewable energy sources and developing domestic industries could help mitigate the impact of future oil shocks. However, the continent's ability to adapt to these changes remains uncertain.