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The Modi administration is accelerating a 2023 statute that would earmark 33 percent of seats in India’s parliament and state legislatures for women. The initiative, presented during a three‑day special parliamentary session, is tied to a broader proposal to expand the Lok Sabha from its current 543 seats to 850 through a nationwide delimitation exercise. Prime Minister Narendra Modi framed the bills as historic steps toward gender empowerment, stating, “We’re set to take historic steps to empower women.” The three bills require a two‑thirds majority in both houses; with the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) holding 293 of the 543 lower‑house seats, it falls short of the 360 votes needed. Women presently occupy only 14 percent of Lok Sabha seats. Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju emphasized a united effort to secure “rightful positions” for women, while noting that India already reserves one‑third of local‑government seats for female representatives. Opposition parties, however, warn that the delimitation component—redrawing constituency boundaries based on population—could tilt the political balance in favor of the BJP, which draws strong support from the densely populated northern states. Critics argue that expanding seats based on the 2011 census, the last completed count, would disproportionately benefit the north and marginalise southern regions where population growth has slowed. The Indian Constitution mandates constituency revision after each census, but the last delimitation occurred after the 1971 census. The government’s draft proposes applying the 2011 census data for the next general election slated for 2029. Opposition leaders, including Rahul Gandhi of the Indian National Congress, contend that the timing is a ploy to consolidate power, describing the move as “gerrymandering through the backdoor.” Further dissent emerged from the south: Tamil Nadu Chief Minister MK Stalin publicly burned a copy of the bill and raised a black flag, urging statewide protests against what he termed “the arrogance of the fascist BJP.” Several southern MPs attended parliament in black as a symbolic protest. The BJP counters that the seat increase will be applied uniformly— a 50 percent rise across all states— preserving proportional representation. Yet the draft delimitation bill lacks explicit language confirming this uniformity. With the debate set to continue, the outcome will shape not only women’s political representation but also the geographic balance of power in India’s largest democracy, influencing electoral dynamics for the next decade.

Wisden Cricketers' Almanack, a renowned UK-based publication and the 'bible' of cricket, has strongly criticized what it describes as Indian political interference in global cricket administration. The criticism comes as the sport's governance is increasingly described as 'Orwellian', suggesting a dystopian level of control and manipulation. In its 163rd annual edition, Wisden editor Lawrence Booth emphasized the unhealthy and politicized dominance of India in the global game. A significant point of contention is the current leadership of the International Cricket Council (ICC), which includes an Indian chief executive, Sanjog Gupta, and an Indian chairman, Jay Shah. Jay Shah is the son of Amit Shah, India's minister of home affairs and a close ally of Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Wisden described the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI), which Shah led before taking over at the ICC, as 'the sporting adjunct of India's ruling BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party)'. This close relationship between Indian cricket administration and the country's ruling party has raised concerns about the politicization of the sport. The situation was further highlighted during the 2025 Asia Cup, which took place against the backdrop of a brief war between India and Pakistan. The tensions led to players from the two countries refusing to shake hands during their matches. Booth pointed out that Pakistan Cricket Board chairman Mohsin Naqvi stated, 'politics and sport can't go together', yet Naqvi himself was also his country's interior minister, illustrating the blurred lines between politics and sports administration. India's dominance in cricket has also been showcased through symbolic actions, such as when India captain Suryakumar Yadav dedicated a victory over Pakistan to the armed forces. Furthermore, Prime Minister Narendra Modi used cricket as a metaphor for military operations, stating after India's victory over Pakistan in the final: 'Operation Sindoor on the games field. Outcome is the same – India wins!' This rhetoric drew parallels between sports victories and military successes, further underscoring the intertwining of sports and politics. The influence of Indian cricket administration has also had ripple effects on other cricketing nations. For example, Bangladesh fast bowler Mustafizur Rahman was released from a $1m deal with the Indian Premier League (IPL) franchise Kolkata Knight Riders amid rising tensions between India and Bangladesh. This led to a chain of events that resulted in Bangladesh's removal from this year's men's T20 World Cup after their government refused to let them travel to India. Wisden's criticism concludes that the governance of cricket is becoming increasingly 'Orwellian', where Indian exceptionalism is asserted without acknowledging the consequences, and those affected by these actions are blamed. The publication calls for a clearer recognition of the problems caused by the politicization of cricket and a move towards a more independent and fair governance structure.

Asha Bhosle, the iconic voice of Bollywood for over seven decades, has died at age 92 in Mumbai, according to her family. The two‑time Grammy nominee passed away on Sunday at Breach Candy Hospital, where she had been admitted for "extreme exhaustion" and a chest infection. Her son, Anand Bhosle, confirmed the news to reporters, stating, "My mother passed away today. Her last rites will be held tomorrow at Shivaji Park in Mumbai." Throughout her prolific career, Bhosle recorded more than 12,000 songs in multiple Indian languages, shaping the soundscape of Bollywood cinema from the 1970s through the 1980s and beyond. Prime Minister Narendra Modi expressed his sorrow, describing himself as "deeply saddened" by the loss of a cultural legend whose music resonated across generations. The nation now prepares to bid farewell to a figure whose contributions to Indian music remain unparalleled, with funeral services set for Shivaji Park, a venue symbolic of her enduring legacy.

Asha Bhosle, the iconic voice of Bollywood, passed away at age 92 after being hospitalized in Mumbai with severe exhaustion and a chest infection, her family confirmed.Her son, Anand Bhosle, told reporters that his mother died on Sunday and that her last rites would be performed the following day at Shivaji Park in Mumbai.Over a career that stretched across nearly eight decades, Bhosle recorded more than 12,000 songs, pioneering cabaret and Western‑influenced styles that broadened the sonic palette of Indian cinema.India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi expressed deep sorrow, noting that her "extraordinary musical journey" enriched the nation’s cultural heritage and will continue to inspire future generations.Born on 8 September 1933 into a musical family, she was the younger sister of the celebrated vocalist Lata Mangeshkar, often referred to as “India’s nightingale.” While comparisons were inevitable, Bhosle forged a distinct path, embracing genres from pop to folk.Her early years were marked by hardship, including a turbulent marriage at the age of 16, yet she rose to become one of Indian cinema’s most versatile singers, earning the prestigious Dadasaheb Phalke Award in 2000 and receiving two Grammy nominations.Even in her later years, Bhosle remained artistically active, collaborating with the British virtual band Gorillaz on their album The Mountain, demonstrating her enduring global appeal.Beyond music, she pursued a passion for cuisine, establishing the Asha’s restaurant chain in Dubai and the United Kingdom, further cementing her status as a cultural entrepreneur.Agence France‑Presse and Associated Press contributed to this report.

Millions of Indians have cast their votes in local elections in two states and a federally-governed territory, marking a crucial test of support for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The elections, held in Assam, Kerala, and the Union Territory of Puducherry, are part of five key contests scheduled this month. Voting was held on Thursday, with results due on May 4. Prime Minister Modi appealed to people to exercise their franchise in large numbers, stating, “I hope that the state’s youth and women voters participate enthusiastically and make this election a celebration of democracy and public duty.” In Assam, a BJP-led alliance has ruled the northeastern state for two successive terms and is expected to retain power. However, the BJP did not field any Muslim candidate in Assam, where the community constitutes more than 34 percent of the state’s population. In Kerala, parties opposed to the BJP are set to win, as power traditionally alternates between alliances led by the Indian National Congress and the communist parties. Modi’s party has struggled to gain ground in the state but has invested heavily to expand its presence. The elections are also crucial for opposition parties seeking to build a sustained challenge to the BJP’s dominance across the country. The outcome could show whether Modi’s party can extend its dominance by making inroads into opposition strongholds.

Assam, India – Under the sweltering April sun, Akram Ali stood amid the rubble of his four‑room house, a home he had built over 45 years ago. The demolition, part of a government‑led bulldozing operation on March 14, turned his residence into a pile of debris.Bulldozers descended on Islampur, a Muslim‑majority neighbourhood on the outskirts of Guwahati, and for four hours razed homes across 177 hectares (437 acres). The sweep rendered 400 families homeless, including Ali, who now lives in a tarpaulin shanty a few kilometres from his former home.Ali, a daily‑wage worker, told Al Jazeera that despite identifying as Goriya – “son of the soil” – his house was destroyed. The Goriyas are an Assamese‑speaking Muslim community traditionally settled in the tea‑belt region. In 2022, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) officially recognised the Goriya, along with four other Muslim sub‑groups, as “Indigenous” to Assam.While this designation has afforded the Indigenous Muslims a degree of cultural safety, it has not shielded them from the state’s aggressive land‑clearance drives. Ali questioned the distinction, asking, “Weren’t our homes demolished because we are Muslims?”Muslims make up more than a third of Assam’s 31 million residents, according to the 2011 census. Of these, roughly 6.3 million are Bengali‑speaking “miyas,” often labelled “outsiders,” while about 4 million belong to Indigenous groups like the Goriya.The BJP, led nationally by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been courting the Indigenous Muslim vote ahead of the April 2026 state elections, where it seeks a third consecutive term after governing since 2016. Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, who has spearheaded the party’s crackdown on “miyas” since 2021, claims the government will “never target” Indigenous Muslims.Political analyst Bonojit Hussain explains that the BJP’s outreach serves two purposes: softening its communal image and capturing decisive vote blocks in constituencies where Indigenous Muslims and Hindus together decide the outcome. In seats such as Nalbari, where Indigenous Muslims account for over 25 % of the electorate, and Barkhetri, with roughly 80,000 Muslim voters, the community’s support can swing the result.Upper Assam, a region with a strong Assamese‑speaking identity, is especially critical. Journalist Firoz Khan notes that Indigenous Muslims influence the outcome in seven or eight of the 39 seats there, prompting the BJP to temper its overtly anti‑Muslim rhetoric in the area.Despite the party’s overtures, many Indigenous Muslims remain skeptical. Moinul Islam, spokesperson for the rights group Sadou Asom Goria Jatiya Parishad, warned that the BJP’s broader anti‑Muslim policies—evictions, voter‑list objections, and alleged deportations—are unlikely to win their votes.Earlier in 2025, similar demolition drives displaced hundreds of Goriya families in Lakhimpur and Golaghat districts, and a systematic campaign to challenge Muslim names on electoral rolls further strained relations.BJP spokesman Kishore Upadhyay dismissed the allegations as “malicious, biased and politically motivated,” but Indigenous groups argue the pattern signals an attempt to erase their cultural legacy.Recent actions by the state government reinforce this perception. Chief Minister Sarma renamed the only medical college in Barpeta—previously bearing the name of Goriya freedom fighter Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed—arguing that institutions should reflect their geographic location. Critics view the move as symbolic of a broader effort to marginalise Muslim contributions to Assam’s history.In December 2025, Sarma also proposed dropping the hyphen in “Sankar‑Azan,” a name that celebrated the syncretic legacy of 15th‑century polymath Srimanta Sankardev and 17th‑century Sufi saint Azan Peer. Communist Party member Isfaqur Rahman warned that such revisions reflect a “slow erasure of Assamese Muslim heritage.”For Ali, the demolition has hardened his political stance. “After being evicted, the chief minister called us illegal immigrants and broke our backs by destroying our homes,” he said. “We are the new miyas.”

India's nuclear program has reached a significant milestone with its prototype fast breeder reactor (PFBR) achieving criticality, a self-sustaining nuclear chain reaction. Located in Kalpakkam, Tamil Nadu, the 500 megawatt electrical (MWe) reactor is a major leap forward for India's atomic energy ambitions. The PFBR is only the second commercial fast breeder reactor in the world, following Russia's. This advanced reactor design produces more fissile material than it consumes, using a mix of uranium and plutonium as fuel. The reactor's success is a crucial step towards India's goal of significantly increasing its nuclear energy capacity. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi hailed the achievement as 'a proud moment for India' and 'a defining step' in advancing the country's nuclear program. The reactor is designed to enable India to extract greater energy from its limited uranium reserves while paving the way for large-scale deployment of thorium-based reactors. India has more than 25 percent of the world's thorium reserves, which are four times larger than uranium reserves globally. The country's three-stage nuclear program aims to utilize thorium as a primary fuel source in the third stage, with the PFBR serving as a critical component in this process. Experts highlight that the PFBR's success could inspire other countries to adopt similar technology, but challenges remain, including high costs and technical complexities. The reactor's electricity generation is expected to be more expensive than alternatives, including solar energy. Despite these challenges, India's achievement marks a significant advancement in nuclear technology and energy security, particularly for a country with growing energy demands and a desire to reduce dependence on fossil fuels.

In the run-up to the state assembly election in Assam, India, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is employing a strategy that combines Hindu nationalism with welfare schemes to woo voters.The party, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has been accused of pursuing a hardline Hindu supremacist agenda in Assam, coupled with a xenophobic campaign targeting the state's Muslim population, which constitutes 34% of Assam's 31 million people.At a recent election rally in Morigaon district, BJP leaders highlighted the welfare schemes launched by Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma's government, including a direct benefit transfer scheme called Orunodoi, which provides financial aid to women. Nitin Nabin, the BJP's national president, claimed these schemes benefited the Assamese people, especially women.The BJP's strategy in Assam has been described as a 'cocktail of Hindutva and welfarism' by Akhil Ranjan Dutta, a political science professor at Assam's Gauhati University. 'The BJP is experimenting with a brand of Hindutva by co-opting Indigenous armed struggle and cultural nationalism, while solidifying Hindu identity and othering the Bengali Muslims.'The party's election promises have heightened anxiety among Bengali-speaking Muslims, who fear more crackdowns on their community, including a proposal to implement a Uniform Civil Code, which critics say will override Muslim personal laws.Opposition parties and analysts argue that the BJP is mainly milking two cash transfer schemes – Orunodoi and Udyamita – to influence voters in this election. Economist Joydeep Baruah estimates that at least 10 to 15% of the scheme's four million women beneficiaries could vote for the BJP.The BJP's tactics have been criticized by opposition parties and human rights groups, who accuse the party of vote buying and polarizing the electorate along communal lines.

Ramesh Kumar, a 42‑year‑old wheat farmer in Gurdaspur, Punjab, India, is already recalculating his budget as fertiliser prices climb and deliveries become erratic.He worries that higher input costs could force him to postpone his daughter’s wedding, delay school fees for his children, or even cut back on the amount of fertiliser he applies – a decision that could lower his harvest.While the conflict between the United States, Israel and Iran unfolds thousands of kilometres away, its ripple effects are felt in the fields of Punjab, Kashmir, Pakistan’s South Punjab, Bangladesh’s Rangpur and Nepal’s Gulmi district.The Strait of Hormuz, a narrow chokepoint linking Gulf oil and gas producers to global markets, handles roughly one‑fifth of the world’s oil and LNG shipments. Disruptions here delay the flow of natural gas used to produce nitrogen‑based fertilisers, inflating freight, insurance and ultimately fertiliser prices.South Asia, home to nearly two billion people, depends heavily on fertiliser‑intensive agriculture. In India, the sector is worth about $400 billion and employs over 46 % of the workforce; in Pakistan, it contributes close to 20 % of GDP; Bangladesh’s agriculture accounts for 12‑13 % of GDP; and Nepal relies on agriculture for roughly 24 % of its economy.Between 30 % and 35 % of India’s fertiliser imports, and up to 25‑30 % of Pakistan’s, Bangladesh’s, and Nepal’s imports, travel through routes that pass the Strait of Hormuz. Any prolonged blockage could therefore strain supply chains across the region.Governments are attempting to reassure farmers. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced expanded domestic production of urea, DAP and NPK, as well as the rollout of “Made‑in‑India Nano Urea” and solar‑powered irrigation under the PM Kusum scheme.Pakistan’s federal secretary for agriculture highlighted proactive monitoring, increased domestic urea and DAP output, and measures to keep fertiliser affordable.Bangladesh plans to import 500,000 tonnes of urea in the short term and is exploring alternative sources from China and Morocco, while Nepal’s agriculture ministry says supplies for the upcoming rainy season are secured, though it warns of possible shipment delays.On the ground, farmers are already adjusting. In Kashmir, mustard grower Ghulam Rasool says he reduces fertiliser use as soon as price signals rise, even before actual shortages appear. In Pakistan’s South Punjab, wheat farmer Muneer Ahmad fears higher costs will affect the entire community. In Bangladesh, Mohammad Ibrahim notes that fertiliser availability is becoming unpredictable, and in Nepal, Meghnath Aryal worries that delayed deliveries will hurt crop yields.These individual decisions have broader implications. Reduced fertiliser application can lower yields, which in turn pushes up food prices—a critical concern in a region where households allocate a large share of income to food.While no immediate shortage has been declared, the combination of higher global energy prices, logistical bottlenecks and geopolitical risk makes the situation volatile. Authorities in all four countries are urging farmers to supplement chemical inputs with organic alternatives such as manure, compost and green manuring.For Ramesh Kumar and millions of his peers, the distant Gulf crisis is not an abstract geopolitical story; it is a daily calculation of whether they can afford to feed their families and meet essential expenses.