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The Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) issued a strong rebuke on Friday after Israel’s security cabinet secretly approved 34 new settlements in the occupied West Bank, describing the action as a direct contravention of international law. Israeli rights organization Peace Now disclosed that the decision was made in early April, a fact later corroborated by multiple Israeli media outlets. The OIC’s general secretariat emphasized that Israel, as the occupying power, has no sovereignty over the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including East Al‑Quds (Jerusalem), and that any measures intended to alter the region’s geographic or demographic reality are null and void under international statutes. According to the OIC statement, the approval of these settlements adds to 68 settlements already sanctioned since Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s right‑wing coalition assumed power in 2022. The body warned that the accelerating settlement policy, coupled with land confiscation and settler‑related violence, jeopardizes the viability of a two‑state solution and infringes on the rights of the Palestinian people. Turkey echoed the OIC’s condemnation, labeling the move a “serious violation of international law and UN resolutions.” Meanwhile, Israel’s own Channel 24 reported that the security cabinet’s decision was taken “secretly” and marked the largest number of settlements ever approved in a single session. Ynet cited military chief Eyal Zamir, who warned that the Israel Defense Forces could “collapse” under the strain of expanding settlement demands, including the retroactive legalization of dozens of outposts. Of the 34 approved sites, 10 are existing outposts that were previously illegal under Israeli law but will now be legitimized; the remaining 24 are slated for construction. All settlements in the occupied West Bank are deemed illegal under international law. The decision has not been formally published by any Israeli governmental body. Since the 1967 occupation, more than 500,000 Israeli settlers now reside in the West Bank alongside roughly three million Palestinians. Settlement expansion has been a consistent policy of successive Israeli governments, but it has accelerated markedly under the Netanyahu administration, especially after the Gaza war that began in October 2023 and has resulted in over 72,000 Palestinian deaths. By highlighting the legal and demographic implications of the new settlements, the OIC aims to rally international opposition and reinforce the call for a negotiated two‑state solution, warning that continued expansion could further destabilize an already volatile region.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi warned on Thursday that it would be "dumb" for the United States to permit Israel to jeopardise the newly‑declared regional ceasefire by persisting with its intense bombardment of Lebanon, a campaign that has already claimed hundreds of lives. Araghchi noted that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s corruption trial is set to resume on Sunday, suggesting the prime minister may have ulterior motives for sustaining the fighting. He wrote on social media that a ceasefire encompassing Lebanon would "hasten his jailing," implying that the truce could pressure Netanyahu’s legal woes. Addressing Washington directly, Araghchi said: "If the US wishes to crater its economy by letting Netanyahu kill diplomacy, that would ultimately be its choice. We think that would be dumb but are prepared for it." The statement echoes language used by U.S. Vice President JD Vance the previous day, who warned that Iran would find it "dumb" to let the ceasefire collapse over Lebanon, yet framed it as a choice for Tehran. Since the ceasefire was announced on Tuesday, the dispute over whether it applies to Lebanon has become a central obstacle to sustaining the truce. Iranian officials and media have hinted that Tehran could respond militarily to Israel’s assault on Lebanon or even block the Strait of Hormuz to enforce a Lebanon‑wide ceasefire. President Donald Trump told NBC News that he had spoken with Netanyahu and urged the Israeli government to "scale back" its operations in Lebanon, describing the approach as "low‑key." Vance also reported that Israeli officials had agreed to "check themselves a little bit in Lebanon." Despite these diplomatic overtures, the violence shows no sign of abating. The death toll from recent Israeli strikes in Lebanon has already surpassed 300, marking one of the deadliest days in the country’s recent history. On Thursday, Israel launched several new attacks, including a strike that killed four rescuers in the southern town of Borj Qalaouiye, and issued a displacement order for Beirut’s Jnah district, home to two major hospitals and tens of thousands of residents and displaced persons. The United States has a track record of asserting that Israel will curb its military actions, only to witness continued strikes. In 2024, the Biden administration insisted that Israel’s operation in Rafah was "limited," yet the Israeli military ultimately razed nearly every structure in the city, a tactic now hinted at for southern Lebanon. The Lebanese conflict escalated into full‑scale war in early March after Hezbollah fired rockets in retaliation for Israeli strikes and following the killing of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on February 28. Since a separate November 2024 ceasefire, Israel has maintained near‑daily attacks on Lebanon, targeting civilian infrastructure and deepening the humanitarian crisis.

On a Wednesday night, Israel launched a massive air campaign against Lebanon that resulted in the deaths of over 300 civilians and struck more than 100 targets within ten minutes, including densely populated neighborhoods in central Beirut. The operation, described by Israeli officials as the largest strike against Hezbollah since the month‑long war with Iran began, has drawn sharp international condemnation. The Israeli government, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, maintains that the attacks were narrowly aimed at Hezbollah operatives who allegedly relocated command posts to civilian districts such as the Dahieh suburb. Critics, however, argue that the scale and timing of the strikes suggest a broader political motive: to disrupt the US‑Iran ceasefire negotiated by former President Donald Trump, a deal many view as unfavorable to Netanyahu. Evidence fueling this theory includes the lack of any prior warning and the targeting of locations where high‑profile Hezbollah figures were present. Among the dead was Ali Yusuf Harshi, the nephew and personal adviser of Hezbollah secretary‑general Naim Qassem, leading some observers to speculate that the operation may have been a failed attempt to eliminate Qassem himself—mirroring Israel’s 2024 alleged assassination of former Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah. Hezbollah officials later claimed they had been “notified of a ceasefire” and were committed to it from the morning of the attack, yet by Thursday both sides were again exchanging heavy fire. Netanyahu’s public justification for the strike—citing the killing of an aide to Qassem—appeared thin, reinforcing the perception that the operation was designed to act as a “spoiler” to a ceasefire he had previously opposed. Analysts at the Soufan Center in New York warned that, even if Lebanon is technically outside the ceasefire framework, the sheer magnitude of Israel’s assault will be viewed as escalatory. They argue the strikes serve a dual purpose: to widen the rift between Iran and its proxies and to retaliate against what Israel perceives as being sidelined in the ceasefire negotiations. Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian condemned the attacks, stating they breach the ceasefire agreement and render ongoing talks meaningless. He warned of a possible Iranian response against Israel, underscoring the fragile nature of the diplomatic effort. Marion Messmer, director of the international security programme at Chatham House, highlighted a deeper strategic dilemma: the United States’ difficulty in managing its alliance with Israel amid the broader US‑Iran conflict. She noted that Israel’s insistence that its Lebanese operations are unrelated to the ceasefire reveals a “key vulnerability” in Washington’s ability to steer its regional partners, potentially trapping the US in a conflict it seeks to exit. Further complicating the picture, the Israeli Defense Forces reportedly assess that defeating Hezbollah remains unrealistic despite the intensified bombing campaign, suggesting that the current strategy may be more about political signaling than achieving decisive military objectives. In sum, the Israeli strike on Lebanon not only caused a tragic loss of civilian life but also raised serious questions about the durability of the US‑Iran ceasefire, the strategic calculations of Netanyahu’s government, and the broader stability of Middle‑East geopolitics.

Amid growing international focus on the Iran‑Israel conflict, Israel is pressing ahead with a systematic annexation of the West Bank, centred on the contentious E1 settlement project. The plan envisions the construction of 3,400 new homes on Palestinian land, a move designed to split the territory and undermine the viability of a future Palestinian state. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz has publicly condemned the annexation drive, labeling the E1 scheme illegal. Although the war in Iran and Israel’s military actions in southern Lebanon have delayed the release of construction tenders, officials confirm that the tenders will be issued on 1 June. Criticism from the United Kingdom, Germany, France and Italy has so far failed to deter the Israeli government, which appears accustomed to rhetorical rebukes without concrete repercussions. As former EU officials note, the Union has yet to leverage its economic and diplomatic weight to stop the settlement expansion. The British Prime Minister has reaffirmed the stance of the International Court of Justice, declaring the 1967 occupation of Gaza, East Jerusalem and the West Bank unlawful. This follows the United Kingdom’s formal recognition of the State of Palestine last year, alongside France, Canada and Australia. Given its historic ties and recent diplomatic recognitions, the UK is uniquely positioned to galvanise European and Commonwealth partners. Experts propose a three‑pronged approach: first, issue a clear warning that any contractor involved in designing, building or financing the E1 settlement jeopardises its commercial interests with the UK; second, impose a comprehensive ban on UK trade in goods, services and investment linked to the settlements; and third, suspend the trade concessions granted under the UK‑Israel trade and partnership agreement for breaching its human‑rights provisions. New Prime Minister Keir Starmer is urged to embed these measures within a broader strategy to strengthen European cooperation, champion equal rights, and secure mutual security for Israelis and Palestinians. Without enforceable consequences, the illegal settlement programme is likely to expand, heightening the risk of further violence. Vincent Fean – former consul‑general in JerusalemDavid Hannay – former UN ambassadorAnn Grant – former high commissioner to South AfricaEmyr Jones Parry – former UN ambassadorDavid Manning – former US ambassadorDavid Richmond – former FCO director generalPeter Westmacott – former US ambassadorJeremy Greenstock – former UN ambassadorFrances Guy – former Lebanon ambassadorPeter Millett – former Jordan ambassadorDerek Plumbly – former Egypt ambassadorEdward Clay – former Kenya high commissionerTony Brenton – former Russia ambassadorWilliam Patey – former Afghanistan ambassadorColin Budd – former Netherlands ambassadorAnthony Cary – former Canada high commissionerAlan Charlton – former Brazil ambassadorEdward Chaplin – former Iraq and Jordan ambassadorPeter Collecott – former Brazil ambassadorRichard Dalton – former Iran ambassadorMichael Hone – former Iceland ambassadorNicholas Hopton – former Iran ambassadorPeter Jenkins – former UN (Vienna) ambassadorRupert Joy – former EU ambassador to MoroccoRobin Kealy – former Tunisia ambassadorRobin Lamb – former Bahrain ambassadorAnthony Layden – former Morocco ambassadorRichard Makepeace – former UAE ambassadorMark Matthews – former Chad ambassadorRichard Northern – former Libya ambassadorChristopher Segar – former Iraq ambassadorAdrian Sindall – former Syria ambassador

President Donald Trump told Fox News host Trey Yingst that the United States had dispatched a substantial cache of firearms to Iranian protesters, routing them through Kurdish groups. He said, “We sent them a lot of guns. We sent them to the Kurds,” and added that the Kurds likely kept the weapons. This admission lends weight to Tehran’s long‑standing narrative that the December‑January demonstrations were not spontaneous but were driven by “foreign‑backed terrorists.” Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has repeatedly blamed the United States and Israel for hijacking the economic unrest that began on December 28, when Tehran shopkeepers protested the plunging rial. The protests quickly spread nationwide, drawing hundreds of thousands onto the streets. Rights groups and the United Nations report that at least 5,000 people were killed, with some estimates suggesting the death toll could rise to 20,000. The crackdown also saw thousands arrested and an internet blackout imposed to conceal the violence. As the US‑Israel war on Iran entered its 38th day, official tallies record 2,076 deaths and over 26,000 injuries across the country. Despite Trump’s statements, several Kurdish opposition groups have categorically denied receiving any U.S. weapons. A senior official of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) told Iraqi broadcaster Rudaw that the claims were “baseless,” noting that their armaments are decades‑old and sourced locally. The Komala Party issued a similar denial. Analysts caution that Trump’s remarks are difficult to verify. Neil Quilliam of the United Kingdom’s Chatham House said the comments “reveal nothing material” and may reflect Trump’s personal rhetoric more than concrete policy. Nonetheless, such statements could undermine the cohesion of Iranian opposition groups and influence international perceptions of the conflict. In the broader geopolitical context, the United States has framed its February 28 strikes—carried out jointly with Israel—as a response to Iran’s nuclear program and as a means to “free” Iranians from the Islamic Republic’s repression. Trump linked the military action directly to the protests, claiming Tehran had “killed tens of thousands of its own citizens on the street as they protested.” While Kurdish factions continue to advocate for peaceful, civil protest methods, the U.S. and Israeli governments have not yet committed to ground operations in Iran. Opposition Democrats in the U.S. Congress remain skeptical of any escalation involving troops. Overall, Trump’s confirmation of arms shipments adds a new layer to the already complex narrative surrounding the Iranian protests, the US‑Israel military campaign, and the broader struggle for influence in the region.

Hebron's Ibrahimi Mosque, a significant Islamic site and Palestinian national symbol, has become a focal point of Israeli-Palestinian tensions. The mosque, located in the occupied West Bank, has been subject to increased restrictions and control by Israeli authorities. Stricter measures have been imposed on Palestinians attempting to access the mosque, including the closure of gates, checkpoints, and searches. These actions have made it difficult for Palestinians to reach the site, with some residents reporting that the journey has become significantly longer and more complicated. The Israeli government claims that these measures are necessary for security reasons, citing the presence of Israeli settlers in the area. However, Palestinians argue that these restrictions are part of a systematic effort to reduce their access to the mosque and erode their rights. The situation at the Ibrahimi Mosque is seen as a microcosm of the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Observers note that Israel's actions in Hebron may be a prelude to further annexation of the West Bank, with increased settlement activity and restrictions on Palestinian movement. Palestinian residents have faced significant challenges, including demolition orders, arrests, and settler attacks. The area surrounding the mosque has become increasingly militarized, with thousands of Israeli soldiers and settlers present. The international community has expressed concern over Israel's actions, with many viewing them as illegitimate and dangerous to the existing status quo. The situation remains a critical point of contention in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with significant implications for the future of the region.

Taybeh, a small hilltop town in the heart of the West Bank, is one of the oldest Christian communities in the world. After increasing attacks from Israeli settlers it now feels itself under siege and is fighting for its very existence.The town’s ancient Greek name was Ephraim where, according to the gospels, Jesus hid with his disciples from the Jewish religious hierarchy, the Sanhedrin, before making his final fateful trip to Jerusalem.A church was built here in the fifth century, and the entirely Christian community survived the crusaders, conquest by Salah ad-Din Yusuf ibn Ayyub or Saladin, the Ottoman empire, the British empire, and three Arab-Israeli wars, but its inhabitants say its long-term future is in question.There are four substantial Israeli settlements around Taybeh, and countless unofficial outposts have also sprung up on the steep hills overlooking the Jordan valley. They have been set up by messianic Jews who send their young people, the “hilltop youth”, to harass and intimidate local Palestinians in the surrounding countryside.The relentless land grabs and intimidation is a pattern repeated up and down the West Bank in a campaign the UN has called ethnic cleansing, which has been driven by hardline members of the ruling coalition, the finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, and the national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir.“First they kicked the Bedouin out in the last three years and put up their caravans and bring their cows and sheep. They are using the land without any permission from the owners and from ourselves,” said Fr. Bashar Fawadleh, the parish priest of Christ the Redeemer church.Over the past year, the pressure has been turned up further. In July last year, settlers set fire to the grounds of the fifth–century Byzantine church, St Peter’s. Since then, bands of hilltop youth have raided the town four times, setting fire to cars, slashing tires and smashing windows.The church, part of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem, supports small business ventures to provide jobs and builds affordable housing, but the community is still haemorrhaging. Fifteen families have left in the past two years, leaving the current population at about 1,100.After the attack on St Peter’s church in July, the US ambassador, Mike Huckabee, visited the town to condemn what he called “an act of terror” and to appeal for prosecutions.No prosecutions have been reported, and Huckabee has not spoken out over any of the subsequent attacks on Taybeh. A Southern Baptist minister, the ambassador is a fervent supporter of Israel’s territorial claims to the West Bank and beyond, which he argues are divinely ordained.In the West Bank however, the Christian population has shrunk from 5% of the total population in 1967 to roughly 1% today, about 45,000 people.The fierce religious nationalism that the Israeli government has cultivated in recent years has largely been directed at Palestinian Muslims but there has been a rising tide of anti-Christian incidents.Jad Isaac, the director general of the Applied Research Institute-Jerusalem, which tracks the Israeli takeover of land and resources on the West Bank, said: “When Netanyahu says we are the only country which is taking care of the Christians, he’s a liar. He said that in Palestinian Christian communities in the West Bank “the strategy is to make life intolerable”.

Central Israel was shaken as videos captured a projectile falling from the sky in the aftermath of an Iranian airstrike. The incident has heightened concerns over the escalating conflict in the Middle East. Footage shared on social media and news outlets depicted the moment the projectile was seen descending, sparking widespread alarm and concern among local residents.The airstrike, attributed to Iran, has strained relations between Iran and Israel, contributing to an already volatile situation in the region. The Israeli government has not issued an immediate statement on the incident, but military and emergency services were quickly deployed to the area to assess the situation and provide any necessary assistance.This recent development underscores the ongoing tensions and complexities in Middle Eastern geopolitics, where conflict and diplomatic maneuvering frequently intersect. The incident serves as a stark reminder of the fragile peace and the potential for rapid escalation in the region.

In a recent interview published by the Free Press, former UK prime minister Tony Blair asserted that the British left has entered an “unholy alliance” with Islamist groups, framing criticism of Israel’s Gaza operations as a new form of anti‑semitism. He further praised former President Donald Trump’s proposed plan for Gaza, describing it as “bold and intelligent.”The commentary arrives amid a sharp decline in British public support for Israel. A YouGov poll found that only 12 % of respondents back Israel’s actions in Gaza, while a clear majority favor measures such as an arms embargo, sanctions, and even the prosecution of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for alleged war crimes.Blair’s allegation that the left “casts the Jewish community as supporters of the Israeli government” is challenged by evidence of a broader shift in public sentiment. The Greens, now a leading force on the English left, oppose the Gaza offensive and reject Islamophobia, yet they are led by a Jewish gay politician and champion a socially progressive agenda that includes LGBTQ+ rights and gender equality—hardly the hallmarks of “Islamism.”Data on American Jewry is also invoked. While 71 % of Jewish Americans voted for Kamala Harris in the 2024 election, a separate poll indicated that 40 % of Jewish respondents believe Israel’s military actions amount to genocide, a figure rising to half among those under 35. These figures illustrate that criticism of Israel does not automatically equate to anti‑semitic sentiment.The piece also revisits Blair’s own controversial foreign‑policy record. His government approved extensive arms sales to Saudi Arabia and shut down investigations into those deals, while his post‑premiership institute continued to receive substantial Saudi funding even after the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Moreover, the 2003 invasion of Iraq, led by Blair, is widely regarded as having provided a recruitment boost to Islamist extremist groups.Critics argue that Blair’s narrative is a strategic attempt to deflect growing Western criticism of Israel by painting opponents as extremist sympathizers. The term “Islamo‑gauchisme,” used in France to describe similar accusations, exemplifies a broader pattern of demonising Muslim participation in democratic politics.In sum, the article contends that Blair’s claim lacks substantive evidence, overlooks prevailing public opinion, and mirrors past tactics of smearing dissenting voices. As the debate over Israel’s conduct in Gaza intensifies, the left’s opposition appears rooted in humanitarian concerns rather than any covert Islamist agenda.