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Rising fortunes among the ultra‑rich under the Trump administration have ignited a wave of tax‑reform campaigns across the United States. In California, volunteers like Karen Sanchez are gathering signatures for a one‑time 5% wealth tax targeting the state’s 200‑plus billionaires to offset federal cuts to hospitals, education and food‑assistance programs.At least ten states are exploring similar measures. Washington recently enacted its first income‑tax aimed at roughly 20,000 millionaire households, while Massachusetts and Minnesota already channel wealth‑tax proceeds into preschool, K‑12 meals and transportation infrastructure.On the federal front, Senators Bernie Sanders and Representative Ro Khanna have introduced the “Make Billionaires Pay Their Fair Share Act,” proposing an annual 5% levy on billionaire net worth. Khanna argues that the ultra‑wealthy fund private health insurers, defense contractors and political campaigns, creating a stark fairness gap.Data from Oxfam shows that in the twelve months after Trump’s re‑election, billionaire fortunes grew at a rate three times faster than the average annual growth of the previous five years. Meanwhile, the federal minimum wage has remained stagnant at $7.25 for fifteen years, underscoring the widening economic divide.A Data for Progress poll released last fall found that 70% of Americans believe the economic system favours corporations and the wealthy. “People are angry and want change,” says Amy Hanauer of the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP), noting that activists are leveraging every level of government to seek relief.The movement draws on a two‑decade history of class‑based activism, from the Occupy Wall Street protests to Senator Sanders’ 2016 campaign that foregrounded wealth‑tax proposals. Yet inequality has deepened: CEOs of the five largest U.S. firms now earn, on average, **$52 million** annually—over a thousand times the typical worker’s salary.Political spending by billionaires has also exploded. A recent New York Times analysis reveals that billionaire contributions rose from **0.3% of campaign funds in 2008** to **19% in 2024**, amounting to more than **$3 billion** from roughly 300 ultra‑rich donors, many of whom supported candidates opposing wealth taxes, including former President Donald Trump.The war in Iran has further inflamed resentment, with the United States spending **$11.3 billion** in the first week of bombardment—far exceeding the annual budgets of agencies such as the CDC, EPA and the National Cancer Institute.Local victories are feeding the momentum. New York City’s mayoral race saw Zohran Mamdani win on a platform that includes taxing the rich to fund affordable housing, groceries and transit. Councilmember Chi Ossé led a 1,500‑person march to the state capitol, urging Governor Kathy Hochul to permit a city‑level millionaire tax, a move that now has backing from some state Democrats.Beyond New York, states like Rhode Island, Hawaii, Pennsylvania, Virginia, Illinois and New Mexico are debating various wealth‑tax mechanisms, including the popular “mansion tax” on high‑value home sales. Currently, **17 localities** have adopted such taxes, most passed between 2018 and 2023.California’s gubernatorial race has become a flashpoint. Billionaire‑backed candidates Matt Mahan and Tom Steyer are vying to replace Governor Gavin Newsom, with the tech elite—such as Sergey Brin and Joe Lonsdale—pouring money into campaigns opposing the billionaire tax. Of the 30 billionaires who have contributed to the race, **25 supported Mahan**, who has positioned himself as a staunch anti‑tax candidate.For Sanchez, the stakes are personal. The proposed tax seeks to replace **$100 billion** in federal health‑care funding cut by Trump’s “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” which threatens hospital closures and layoffs in the nation’s fourth‑largest economy. She aims to collect **875,000 signatures** by late June to secure the initiative on the November ballot.“It’s creating a network of groups all working toward a common good,” Sanchez says, reflecting a broader sentiment that collective action could finally translate the public’s demand for fiscal fairness into concrete policy.

When a loved one passes away while a care home still holds prepaid weeks, many families are told that the provider’s "policy" does not allow refunds. In one recent case, a family challenged this stance, discovered that the contract actually obligated the home to return the unused fees, and successfully secured a refund. The experience underscores a wider issue: care‑home operators often withhold money from bereaved families, banking on their grief and lack of legal knowledge. The author, forewarned by similar reports, enlisted a family lawyer who identified the contractual breach and drafted a decisive email that compelled the provider to comply. Importantly, the complaint was not about the quality of care. The writer notes a clear separation between the compassionate on‑site staff and the profit‑focused head office, suggesting that the latter may deliberately adopt a “no‑refund” stance as a revenue‑preserving tactic. Historically, the practice traces back to the privatisation of care homes under Margaret Thatcher. The original promise was that market competition would increase choice for residents while lowering public spending. In reality, the economics of private care demand near‑full occupancy to stay profitable, forcing operators to raise prices when referrals dip. This creates a paradox: the need for vacant beds to offer choice clashes with the profit motive to maximise occupancy, ultimately undermining the policy’s goals. For families navigating this landscape, the lesson is clear: scrutinise contracts and seek legal advice before accepting a provider’s blanket “no‑refund” policy. A vigilant approach can turn a potentially lost sum into a reclaimed right, and may pressure care‑home chains to rethink opaque refund practices.

The UK’s premier AI research centre, the Alan Turing Institute, has been instructed by its chief public funder, UK Research and Innovation (UKRI), to implement significant organisational changes. The directive follows a UKRI review that found the institute’s strategic alignment and value for money "not yet satisfactory".UKRI, which granted the institute a £100 million, five‑year funding package in 2024 and remains its largest single source of finance, said the review highlighted strong scientific foundations but a lack of clear strategic focus and delivery.Last summer, the government signalled that the institute must undergo a strategic overhaul, urging a shift toward defence and national security while downgrading work on health and the environment—previously two of its three core pillars.Leadership turbulence has accelerated the changes. Chief Executive Jean Innes resigned in September after staff unrest, and chair Doug Gurr stepped down this week to take up a permanent role at the UK competition watchdog.UKRI’s AI programme overseer, Prof. Charlotte Deane, stressed that achieving the UK’s AI ambitions requires institutions that are “focused, effective and aligned to national need.” She added that the review recognises the institute’s value but calls for significant change in several areas.To execute the recommendations, UKRI will work with the institute’s newly appointed chief executive, George Williamson, who comes from a government post centred on national security. The plan includes strengthening governance and placing defence and security at the core of the institute’s mission.The Alan Turing Institute collaborates with universities, private firms and government bodies, while UKRI invests £8 billion annually in UK research and innovation. A spokesperson for the institute acknowledged recent improvements in focus and governance but said it must move “faster and further.”“Working with funders and partners, we will be even more ambitious about the role we can play for the UK, and we welcome the confirmation of our clear, single‑purpose mission with national resilience, security and defence at its core,” the institute said.

Timeforshowcasing delivered a stunning victory in the Burradon Stakes at Newcastle on Friday, defying odds that drifted to 25‑1. Trainer‑owner Charlie Johnston, who also collected a share of the prize money, said the win could fast‑track the filly into Classic company at either Newmarket or the Curragh next month.The Listed mile race featured a strong field of colts and geldings, but the filly settled comfortably before accelerating at the furlong pole and holding off a late surge from Padraig Dawn by a neck.“All day I’ve been thinking, ‘what do people know that I don’t?’ because this filly worked last Thursday and I thought she was in phenomenal order,” Johnston explained. “She started at 6‑1, drifted to 10‑1, then 16‑1 and finally won at 25‑1. I backed her twice – I couldn’t believe how much she drifted.”Timeforshowcasing now has entries for both the English and Irish 1,000 Guineas. Johnston added, “She won’t be out of place in a Guineas, albeit she’d have a bit to find. If the big guns clash at Newmarket, the Irish Guineas might be an option – she won with a bit of dig in the ground at Goodwood last year.”The article also referenced the rapid rise of American Affair, who moved from a Scottish Sprint Cup win to the King Charles III Stakes at Royal Ascot within three months, underscoring the potential for a similar breakthrough. Meanwhile, Jer Batt (3.42) emerges as a strong contender at around 6‑1, having been a close runner‑up to American Affair a year earlier and now carrying a 7‑lb lower mark after a winter wind operation.Other notable horses highlighted for upcoming meetings include Strength Of Spirit (Musselburgh 1.25), freshly gelded and poised for further progress, and the lightly‑raced Midnight Gun (Musselburgh 1.55), who remains fairly weighted on the pick of his best form from last season.Additional betting tips note that Al Qareem (Musselburgh 2.30) is a warm favourite for a 13th career win, while We’re Red And Blue (Haydock 2.12) offers a good chance to confirm recent improvement, and Walden (Haydock 2.46) appears overpriced despite a strong Ascot performance earlier in the year.

Japan and Australia, the finalists of the Women's Asian Cup, have renewed calls for equal prize money with the men's tournament, directly challenging the Asian Football Confederation (AFC). The governing body has been accused of 'ignoring' previous requests.The Women's Asian Cup concluded with a historic final match between Japan and Australia, with Japan winning 1-0 in Sydney on March 21 before a record crowd of over 74,000 fans. The tournament itself made global headlines after seven members of the Iran squad sought asylum in Australia, citing 'traitor' labels at home for refusing to sing the national anthem.The $1.8m prize fund for the Women's Asian Cup is the same as in 2022, but significantly lower than the $14.8m on offer at the men's equivalent. A report by FIFPRO, the global footballers' union, indicated that the event could generate up to $82.4m in revenue. A record 350,000 fans attended the tournament during its three-week duration.In a joint statement released by FIFPRO, the Japan and Australia teams emphasized that despite the tournament's success, it remains the lowest-paying continental tournament in the world. They highlighted the significant inequality between the men's and women's game and called for equal prize money, which they believe would be 'transformational' for players and football communities across Asia.The statement also addressed the challenges faced by teams during the tournament, including the plight of the Iranian team and issues with equipment for India's players. The teams expect FIFA to honour its pledge of equal prize money for the 2027 FIFA Women's World Cup and will continue to fight for equality and respect for women players.In a related development, Japan sacked their coach, Nils Nielsen, just 12 days after their Asian Cup victory, citing his coaching style as 'lax' and 'lacking passion'.

The families of British citizens held in the United Arab Emirates over allegations that they shared images of the conflict with Iran have expressed frustration at the British government's failure to help.Several British citizens are among more than 100 foreign nationals who have been detained under draconian Emirate rules that outlaw publishing or sharing material that could 'disturb public security'.UK government ministers have refused to condemn the arrests, amid claims they are too fearful of offending the Emirates because of their economic clout.The campaign group Dubai Watch, which is supporting nine British detainees, said their identities could not be revealed for fear of reprisals. But it has shown the Guardian anonymised correspondence from their increasingly anxious families.A mother whose daughter is being held wrote: 'This experience is exhausting, mentally and emotionally.'She described reading media reports about the continuing conflict in which Iran has retaliated against US and Israelis strikes by firing drones and missiles against its Gulf neighbours, including the UAE.She said: 'I have just read another article, and quite frankly I could do one purely on the inadequacies and sycophantic responses from this [UK] embassy.'She also expressed increasing fears for her daughter's safety as attacks continued. The mother said: 'I spoke to [my daughter] last night and they are no longer allowed to go outside in the courtyard as it's now deemed too dangerous to do so. This is an even bigger worry as they are all just sitting ducks.'Another message from a woman whose husband had been detained under the same law said the case had been 'mishandled'. She added: 'We are scared because nobody is telling us the truth. Can you please help us.'Police in Abu Dhabi said those detained had 'filmed sites and events and disseminated inaccurate information via social media platforms during the ongoing events, an action that could stir public opinion and spread rumours among community members'. In a statement, the officials said these 'violations' amounted to a 'misuse of social media'.Daisy Cooper, the deputy leader of the Liberal Democrats, confirmed that one of the detainees was a St Albans' constituent. She said their family was frustrated by the lack of consular help.Cooper told the Guardian: 'I'm deeply concerned that my constituent has been held with very little contact with their family, with no clear access to legal counsel, and no confirmation that UK consular officials have been permitted to visit them. The family are distressed and desperate for information about their wellbeing.'Cooper also criticised the UAE's round-up of anyone it has accused of sharing images of the conflict. She said: 'The response from the authorities appears wholly disproportionate given the nature of the allegations.'The Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office confirmed that five UK nationals were receiving consular assistance in the UAE.David Haigh, a human rights lawyer and founder of Dubai Watch, said: 'There's an awful lot more than five cases. The embassy is overwhelmed.'He added: 'There hasn't been any government intervention because it would offend the UAE and they don't want to do that. Impotent is the best way to describe the response. They're too scared – it's all about the money and investment from the UAE.'

The UK is bracing for a potential third inflationary shock in less than a decade as the conflict between Iran and the US threatens to disrupt oil supplies. The Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway for global oil supplies, is at risk of being blocked, which could lead to a significant increase in oil prices. The impact of such a disruption would be felt globally, with Asia being particularly affected as it buys 80% of the oil transported through the strait. Countries in the region are already experiencing the effects, with governments imposing limits on driving and shortening working weeks to conserve energy. Populations are struggling with dramatic hikes in food prices and shortages of petrol and diesel. In Bangladesh, the government reportedly believes it will run out of oil and gas within weeks. To conserve fuel, some temples in Thailand have stopped cremations. The energy-supply storm may well hit the UK's shores just before next month's elections, prompting Keir Starmer to call Cobra meetings and Rachel Reeves to summon business leaders into Downing Street. The poorest households will be hit hardest by the inflationary shock, with food producers predicting prices will rocket nearly 10% this year. According to calculations done exclusively for this column by the Energy and Climate Intelligence Unit (ECIU), that will add £127 to the average household's annual food bill. However, the ECIU also notes that because the poorest spend proportionately more of their money on food, they will be hit far worse. The author suggests that the UK needs to adopt a more progressive approach to utility pricing, with a move away from fossil fuels and from the current system of ownership. The days of relying on a growth miracle are over, and the UK needs to focus on addressing the inequality and regressive utility pricing that will exacerbate the impact of the inflationary shock.

Palantir’s claim that opposition to its NHS contract is driven by ideology was rebuked by Chi Onwurah, the Labour MP who chairs Parliament’s science, innovation and technology select committee. Onwurah said it is appropriate for ministers to explore a break‑clause option in the deal, underscoring the seriousness of the concerns raised. Louis Mosley, Palantir’s UK executive vice‑chair, had urged the government not to succumb to “ideologically motivated campaigners” as officials weighed a way out of a £330 million contract to deliver the Federated Data Platform (FDP) for NHS England. Ministers have now asked for advice on triggering the contract’s break clause amid growing scrutiny of Palantir’s expanding role in the public sector. The FDP is an AI‑enabled platform designed to integrate disparate health information across the NHS. Palantir already holds contracts with the Ministry of Defence, several police forces and the UK’s financial watchdog, the FCA. Onwurah’s cross‑party committee is set to publish its report in the coming weeks, covering the digital reorganisation of government services and the role of AI after a series of hearings that included experts, NHS leaders and representatives from companies such as Palantir. She identified three core issues: the manner in which the contract was awarded, the handling of patient data and the resulting trust deficit within the NHS, and the involvement of Peter Mandelson through his firm Global Counsel. “These are not fringe ideological concerns,” Onwurah told the Guardian. “They relate to contract transparency, vendor lock‑in, value for money and data security – matters that should concern everyone pushing the NHS towards digital transformation.” She added that the NHS’s post‑COVID fatigue and austerity‑driven burnout make any additional trust‑related resentment a significant barrier to progress. Onwurah noted that Palantir secured the contract after providing services to the NHS at a nominal cost – a tactic often used by large tech firms to position themselves as the most attractive government supplier. “It is right for the government to explore all options, including breaking the contract, given ongoing concerns about FDP uptake while Palantir remains at the helm,” she said. Liberal Democrat MP Martin Wrigley, also on the committee, urged the government to commission a new consortium of UK‑based tech experts to build a home‑grown NHS platform. During a previous committee appearance, Mosley accused British doctors of placing “ideology over patient interest” after they challenged the data‑processing contract. Speaking to the Times, Mosley warned that removing Palantir could jeopardise patient care and stall solutions to the NHS’s biggest challenges, arguing that the campaign against the firm would do more harm than good.

Chelmsford City racecourse, located in Essex, has faced a significant setback with the loss of its licence to host racing fixtures. This development has cast a shadow over the venue's future, particularly after the lucrative Good Friday fixture, which offered £250k in prize money, was cancelled.The troubles for Chelmsford City are not new; the track has experienced a tumultuous history. A notable incident involved Justin Timberlake's concert on 4 July 2025, which led to chaotic scenes as 25,000 fans attempted to leave, resulting in lengthy queues and some spectators abandoning their cars to walk along the nearby A131 dual carriageway.The British Horseracing Authority (BHA) announced on Wednesday that it did not consider it appropriate to grant a racing licence to Golden Mile Racing Limited (GMRL), the company that had applied to take over the licence for the remainder of 2026. As a result, GMRL is not licensed to stage any fixtures, pending the outcome of any appeal.This decision affects not just the upcoming fixtures but also the scheduled meetings on 2 April, 3 April, and 9 April. The permanent loss of Chelmsford City, which hosted 38 meetings in 2025, would create a significant gap in the racing schedule, particularly for top yards preparing for the new summer Flat season.Chelmsford City's history dates back to 2008 when it finally staged its first meeting after years of planning. Despite its US-style oval mile track being praised for its fairness and galloping nature, and its ideal location near Newmarket, the venue has struggled with facilities issues.The track's operator, Great Leighs Estates Limited, went into administration in late March, adding to the uncertainty surrounding Chelmsford City's future.