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Recent CDC data reveal a dramatic 1,200% increase in kratom‑related poisonings across the United States over the last ten years, with the most pronounced surge recorded in 2025. Researchers link this rise to the growing presence of 7‑hydroxymitragynine (7‑OH), a synthetically produced compound that mimics kratom’s effects but carries opioid‑like risks. Walter Prozialeck, pharmacology professor at Midwestern University, said the trend was expected, noting that the synthetic alkaloid has entered the market through energy drinks and other products since 2024. Christopher McCurdy of the University of Florida warned that marketing 7‑OH as “enhanced kratom” blurs the line for consumers, turning poison‑control calls into a conflated metric for both natural and synthetic products. By contrast, natural kratom (Mitragyna speciosa)—a Southeast Asian plant used for centuries as a pain reliever—has demonstrated a relatively favorable safety profile in animal and human studies. A 2018 statement from then‑HHS Secretary Brett Giroir rejected the DEA’s push to schedule kratom as a Schedule I substance, citing insufficient evidence of harm. Despite the scientific distinction, several states have moved to implement or propose blanket bans on all kratom products, prompting concern from clinicians and patient advocates. A recent user survey indicated that about 50% of respondents rely on kratom for chronic pain, while roughly 40% use it during addiction recovery. Personal testimonies underscore the plant’s therapeutic role. Jeff Maslan, a 68‑year‑old Californian with severe osteoarthritis, credits kratom with easing opioid withdrawal after multiple surgeries. Similarly, “Steven,” a disabled California resident, describes how kratom eliminated unbearable oxycodone withdrawal symptoms without producing the euphoric “warm fuzzy” feeling typical of opioids. Researchers emphasize that 7‑OH carries genuine opioid hazards, including addiction, severe withdrawal, and respiratory depression that can lead to fatal overdose. In animal models, 7‑OH demonstrated the same respiratory‑depression risk as classic opioids, whereas kratom’s primary alkaloid did not. Prozialeck and colleagues explain that kratom’s pharmacology is more nuanced: it partially activates opioid receptors while also engaging adrenergic and serotonin pathways, resembling a hybrid of a weak opioid and an SNRI‑type antidepressant. This multimodal action likely accounts for its lower euphoric potential and the reported boost in energy among users. Nevertheless, experts caution that kratom is not without risk. Fatal poisonings often involve co‑ingestion of potent opioids such as fentanyl, suggesting that some users may cycle between kratom and stronger substances, raising overdose danger due to reduced opioid tolerance. Additionally, heavy‑metal contamination has been detected in certain kratom batches, though the source—soil, processing, or storage—remains unclear. Given these complexities, the consensus among scholars like Austin Zamarripa (Johns Hopkins) is that natural kratom should remain accessible, while concentrated 7‑OH products merit stricter regulation. “These products may offer meaningful benefits to some individuals, and those benefits could be lost if access is restricted too broadly,” Zamarripa said, urging a differentiated policy approach. As the debate unfolds, patients like Steven worry that a sweeping ban would ignore the nuanced safety profile of the plant. “There’s corn on the cob, there’s high‑fructose corn syrup, there’s whiskey— all derived from corn but fundamentally different,” he remarked, highlighting the need for targeted, evidence‑based regulation rather than a one‑size‑fits‑all prohibition.

Scientists at London's Institute of Cancer Research and the RCSI University of Medicine and Health Sciences in Dublin have announced a new AI-driven approach to identify how patients with advanced bowel cancer will respond to bevacizumab, a drug recently introduced by the NHS. The method uses PhenMap, an AI tool that integrates complex data on the genetic makeup of tumors, allowing researchers to track patterns of how different patients react to the drug. This development aims to spare potentially thousands of patients from being given drugs that would be ineffective in fighting their cancers. In the UK alone, nearly 10,000 cases of advanced bowel cancer are identified every year, with young adults seeing a particular rise in diagnoses. Bowel cancer has the second-highest mortality rate of any cancer, behind only lung cancer. While survival rates can be as high as 98% when caught early, the five-year survival rate for advanced bowel cancer can be as low as 10%. The study tracked 117 European bowel cancer patients who had been treated with chemotherapy and bevacizumab. Researchers identified a group of patients who all had the same gene mutation and were at a high risk of having negative reactions. The scientists behind the tests now hope to expand the number of patient samples and see if the results can be used in treatments for other types of cancer. Anguraj Sadanandam, a professor in stratification and precision medicine at the ICR, said: “Once bowel cancer spreads to other parts of the body, there are very few treatment options available for patients. It is therefore positive that patients can now access the targeted drug bevacizumab on the NHS. However, we know that the majority of patients won’t benefit from the drug, meaning thousands of people in England could be facing unpleasant side effects unnecessarily.” Sadanandam added that while the findings were encouraging, the tool would need to be tested on a larger cohort to be validated. “In future, I hope this approach will lead to a test that can be used by clinicians, to ensure patients receive personalised care that has the highest chance of working against their cancer.”

In the quiet town of Iseyin, about 200 km north‑west of Lagos, shaded courtyards and narrow lanes have become the beating heart of Nigeria’s iconic aso‑oke textile industry. Under makeshift sheds, weavers operate wooden looms that have remained largely unchanged for generations. Recent years have seen a surge in demand for the thick, multicoloured fabric, driven by the Nigerian diaspora and an expanding international appetite for African fashion. Yet the craftsmen and women of Iseyin staunchly oppose the introduction of machines, arguing that the hand‑woven process is essential to the cloth’s distinctive texture and cultural value. The craft now serves as an economic lifeline. Young Nigerians—including university graduates—are flocking to Iseyin to learn the trade, attracted by the promise of a steady income. One such convert, Waliu Fransisco, abandoned a career as a Lagos nightclub singer a decade ago to master the loom. At 34, he says, “I now earn a decent living from weaving aso‑oke and I’m satisfied.” Aso‑oke, literally meaning “cloth from the up‑country,” has become a staple in Nigeria’s fashion scene, appearing in ceremonial attire, contemporary streetwear, and even high‑profile outfits such as the wrapper and shawl worn by Meghan Markle during her 2024 visit to Nigeria with Prince Harry. Traditionally, the fabric was produced from locally sourced cotton or silk, with threads hand‑spun, dyed, and woven in limited colour palettes. Today, most weavers use loom‑ready yarns imported primarily from China, allowing for a broader spectrum of hues while preserving the labor‑intensive hand‑weaving technique. Each loom requires meticulous arrangement of narrow, tightly patterned strips that are later sewn together to form the wider cloth used for garments and accessories. “This is what Iseyin is known for,” says 35‑year‑old weaver Kareem Adeola, echoing the sentiment of a community that views the craft as a direct inheritance from its forebears. As global fashion houses and consumers continue to seek authentic African textiles, the artisans of Iseyin stand at the crossroads of tradition and market opportunity, proving that cultural heritage can thrive alongside modern demand.

The new academic term began in Gaza in late March, but the usual bustle of students catching buses to campus has been replaced by the stark reality of displacement.Israel’s relentless campaign has turned most university buildings into rubble and shelters, forcing a shift to online learning that many students in tents cannot access due to lack of electricity, water, food and reliable internet.Against this backdrop, a glimmer of hope has emerged. In the overcrowded al‑Mawasi district of Khan Younis, the US‑based NGO Scholars Without Borders has erected a makeshift “University City,” a wooden and metal structure designed to bring students back into a real lecture hall."Our mission is to bring education closer to students in a better environment," said Hamza Abu Daqqa, the organisation’s Gaza representative.The facility houses six halls that can accommodate up to 600 students each day. Powered by solar panels, it offers internet access, improvised green spaces and even a small business incubator to help students explore entrepreneurial ideas.University City operates on a rotating weekly schedule, allocating each day to a different institution so that multiple universities can share the limited space. Priority is given to courses that require hands‑on instruction, such as practical labs and discussion‑based classes.Prominent Gaza institutions—including the Islamic University, Al‑Azhar University and the Palestine College of Nursing—have already begun using the site.For many students, this is the first time in years they have set foot in a space that feels like a real university. "When I saw this place, I was amazed," said 20‑year‑old nursing student Mariam Nasr, who fled Rafah and now travels four kilometres on foot to attend classes.Another first‑year student, Amr Muhammad, echoed the sentiment: "Being here with other students, discussing and engaging in class makes a huge difference."The broader picture remains grim. UN experts have labeled Israel’s systematic targeting of Gaza’s academic sector as “scholasticide.” More than 7,000 university students and staff have been killed or injured, and over 60 university buildings have been completely demolished, according to the Euro‑Med Human Rights Monitor.Materials for University City were sourced entirely within Gaza, a testament to the community’s resilience amid soaring costs and scarce resources. Yet the initiative is hampered by the same blockade that restricts reconstruction supplies, fuel and safe transport.Students still face daily hurdles: damaged roads, limited cash, and unreliable transport—often relying on worn‑out vehicles, donkey carts or long walks. "My father could only give me eight shekels (about $2.64) for a ride," Mariam explained, highlighting the economic strain.Even once inside the halls, challenges persist. Power outages and unstable internet make it difficult to print materials or follow online lectures, forcing many to rely on old phones and intermittent connections.Nevertheless, the atmosphere inside University City is one of determination. "For medical education, in‑person learning is essential," said Dr Essam Mughari of the Palestine College of Nursing. "Seeing students gather again restores something vital."For students like Mariam, the drive to continue studying is deeply personal. "My cousin, a nurse, was killed when an airstrike destroyed her family’s house. I study to heal others and honor her memory," she said.While University City now serves hundreds daily, thousands of Gaza’s students remain without comparable facilities. Abu Daqqa stresses that the project is only the beginning: "We have built dozens of makeshift schools, but the need is far greater. Imagine what could be done if the needed resources were allowed through."

When wages have been stagnant for almost two decades and a simple tube of toothpaste now costs nearly £7 at a major supermarket, the claim that “money can’t buy happiness” feels increasingly dismissive. The argument rests on a narrow view of what money can achieve. Spending cash solely on material goods yields only short‑lived pleasure. In contrast, the ability to afford time, experiences and mental‑health support expands one’s sense of freedom and purpose. Even basic needs such as leisure have become commodified; more disposable income simply translates into more opportunities to pursue what matters. As someone diagnosed with ADHD, I have learned—through personal trial rather than formal neuroscience—how to secure a steady supply of dopamine. The cheapest route is not a quick thrill, but activities that provide lasting satisfaction, such as novel experiences and moments of awe. One vivid example came during a winter trip to rural France, where two feet of snow turned the landscape into a scene straight out of Narnia. The awe‑inspiring view was a reminder that nature’s restorative power is often accessible only to those who can afford the travel, in my case a budget flight with Ryanair. Research supports the intuition that higher income correlates with greater happiness. A 2023 study by psychologists at Princeton and the University of Pennsylvania found that people with higher earnings report higher life satisfaction, though money cannot resolve non‑financial sources of unhappiness. Even the world’s richest are not immune to the paradox. Earlier this year, Elon Musk—on track to become the first trillionaire—tweeted that anyone who says “money can’t buy happiness” must be missing something. While Musk’s wealth may not guarantee personal joy, the same resources could provide a foundation for happiness for billions facing financial strain. Nevertheless, hoarding wealth like a dragon does not equate to fulfillment. The column suggests that redirecting a portion of vast fortunes toward travel, cultural enrichment, and shared experiences could transform isolated wealth into collective well‑being. In short, financial stability reduces stress and broadens horizons. It allows individuals to invest in the intangible assets—time, relationships, awe‑inducing experiences—that truly enrich life.

The recent ceasefire between the United States, Israel, and Iran has brought a fragile calm to the region, but experts warn that energy prices may take months to normalize. The conflict had a significant impact on global oil and gas supplies, particularly through the Strait of Hormuz, a critical waterway through which 20% of the world's oil and gas exports pass.Iran's response to US-Israeli attacks included choking off the Strait of Hormuz and attacking energy infrastructure in several Gulf countries. This led to soaring prices for energy and byproducts like helium, as well as fertilizers that rely on these inputs, affecting sowing seasons and consumers worldwide, especially in developing countries.Experts stress that a predictable and stable flow of cargo through the strait is needed before markets can stabilize. Currently, only a trickle of vessels are passing through, with five vessels crossing on Wednesday and seven on Thursday, down from 120-140 ships per day before the conflict.Rockford Weitz, a professor at The Fletcher School at Tufts University, described the situation as 'the biggest disruption in the history of global oil markets.' He emphasized that normalization will take time and requires collaboration among global powers and regional players.Additionally, concerns remain about Iran charging toll fees and skyrocketing insurance fees, which could keep oil prices high. However, experts agree that these fees are not the primary cost drivers.The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has warned of a looming inflation crisis and plans to downgrade its forecast for the world economy. Kristalina Georgieva, IMF managing director, stated that growth will be slower, even if the new peace is durable.For now, oil prices are expected to remain higher than pre-war levels due to the overhang of greater risk premium of supplies out of the Gulf. The situation remains uncertain, with experts closely watching for any side deals, such as a potential agreement between Iraq and Iran, which could impact oil production and prices.

The US inflation rate experienced a significant surge in March, rising to 3.3% over the year, with prices increasing by 0.9% compared to the previous month. This spike is largely attributed to the escalating conflict with Iran, which has resulted in a substantial increase in energy prices.The Consumer Price Index (CPI) for energy rose by 10.9% in March, primarily driven by a 21.2% increase in gasoline prices. This increase accounted for nearly three-quarters of the monthly all-items increase. Airfares also saw a notable rise, increasing by 2.7% in March and 14.9% higher than a year earlier.Core inflation, which excludes volatile food and energy prices, rose at a more modest 0.2% over the month and was 2.6% higher over the year. The annualized inflation rate has not exceeded 3% since summer 2024.The conflict with Iran has driven the American economy into deeper uncertainty, adding to the precariousness that began with Donald Trump's tariffs last year. The war has also led to a rise in oil prices, with US crude oil priced 10% higher than before the conflict and nearly 30% higher since the start of the year.Recent data shows that prices are affecting producers, with the gross domestic product (GDP) for the last quarter of 2025 revised down from an initial 1.4% to 0.5%. The prices index in the Institute for Supply Management's survey of managers saw its largest one-month increase in 13 years, rising from 63 in February to 70.7 in March.Consumer confidence is also falling, with the University of Michigan's closely-watched consumer confidence survey recording a 10.7% drop to its lowest level on record. Survey director Joanne Hsu noted that many consumers blame the Iran conflict for unfavorable changes to the economy.Despite the challenges, the labor market appears resilient, with employers adding 178,000 jobs in March and the unemployment rate falling to 4.3%. However, the Federal Reserve faces a tricky situation in adjusting interest rates amid the conflict, as raising rates could help curb inflation but risk destabilizing the labor market and increasing unemployment.

Four months after Australia introduced its under‑16 social‑media ban, Sydney teenager Noah Jones says his online experience has been largely unchanged – he has not been removed from any platform.Jones recounts a brief hiccup on Instagram that he quickly resolved, and notes a friend who temporarily lost access to Snapchat but managed to circumvent it. "That’s pretty much my whole experience of the ban," he says.Despite his personal continuity, Jones is now a plaintiff in a High Court challenge mounted by the Digital Freedom Project, which argues the ban infringes the implied constitutional right to political communication.The eSafety Commissioner, Julie Inman‑Grant, recently disclosed that more than 5 million accounts have been deactivated since the policy’s rollout, yet over two‑thirds of teenagers remain active on the ten targeted platforms – Facebook, Instagram, Snapchat, TikTok, YouTube, X, Twitch, Kick, Threads and Reddit. Young users are reportedly bypassing facial‑age estimation tools, especially when they are within two years of turning 16.Further eSafety findings reveal that 66 % of parents say platforms did not request age verification, and when ages of 14 or 15 were detected, platforms often prompted users to undergo facial‑recognition checks and simply adjust the displayed age rather than enforce deactivation.Communications Minister Anika Wells has urged the commissioner to "throw the book at" non‑compliant services, noting that fines could reach up to $49.5 million per breach in federal court. However, any penalties are likely to be considered only after the High Court decides the law’s validity.Wells also pledged new legislation imposing a digital duty of care on platforms, obliging them to take reasonable steps to prevent harm. The bill is slated for parliamentary debate later this year.The Digital Freedom Project, led by NSW Libertarian MP John Ruddick, contends that banning under‑16s from holding accounts effectively silences their participation in political discourse, as logged‑out viewing does not permit meaningful engagement.Legal scholars are divided. Prof. Sarah Joseph of Griffith University warns that an ineffective law could breach the implied freedom of political communication, while Monash University’s Prof. Luke Beck argues that the law’s purpose is to compel platforms to enforce age restrictions, not to achieve 100 % compliance.Beck points out that most legislation is not perfectly effective – citing murder laws and age‑restricted media – and that courts typically assess whether a law is a proportionate means to a legitimate aim.The government acknowledges that the age limit imposes a burden on political communication but maintains the measure is justified to mitigate risks from algorithmic recommendation systems, endless feeds, and other features that can amplify harm.Jones will turn 16 in August, at which point the ban would no longer apply to him. His mother, Renee Jones, says she faced online backlash for opposing the ban, with some critics even suggesting her children be taken away."It’s my right to choose how I raise my children in a digital world," she asserts, emphasizing strict household rules: no devices in bedrooms, phones locked at night, and shared passwords for parental oversight.Jones acknowledges the downsides of social media – bullying and explicit content – but stresses that his generation relies on these platforms for news and forming opinions, more so than traditional media.Both Jones and his mother argue the legislation was rushed and is failing to address the core concerns about harmful content, leaving many teens, like Noah, to navigate the digital landscape largely unchanged despite the ban.

The Gulf Cooperation Council is reassessing its security model after the brief but intense US‑Israel campaign against Iran. With American bases on Gulf soil turning the region into a target for Tehran’s missile and drone barrage, Gulf capitals are looking to diversify their defence partners beyond the United States. Iran’s lingering missile arsenal and its demand to retain control of the Strait of Hormuz remain the central security dilemma. The strait channels the bulk of Gulf oil trade, and Tehran’s insistence on keeping a foothold there was a sticking point in the cease‑fire talks scheduled to begin in Islamabad. Gulf air defences boasted a high interception rate, claiming to have neutralised more than 90% of the 2,256 drones and 563 missiles that struck the United Arab Emirates, the hardest‑hit member of the bloc. Nevertheless, the Gulf is split on how to engage Iran moving forward. A hawkish bloc led by the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain favours a tougher stance, while Saudi Arabia, Qatar and others are open to restoring diplomatic ties. In a rare development, Saudi Arabia and Iran held their first official conversation since the conflict began, with foreign ministers discussing measures to lower tensions and restore regional stability. Security scholars such as Bader Mousa Al‑Saif of Kuwait University argue that Gulf states must broaden their security network, forging alliances with regional powers like Turkey and Pakistan rather than relying solely on the United States. He warned that the region needs a model that shields it from a perpetual state of war. Pre‑war trends are now accelerating: Saudi Arabia recently signed a defence pact with Pakistan, the UAE announced a partnership with India, and all three Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar – entered rapid defence agreements with Ukraine to counter Iranian drone threats. Talks of a “Muslim NATO” have largely faded, but a new alignment dubbed “Step”, involving Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and Pakistan, is taking shape. The coalition’s purpose remains ambiguous, oscillating between counter‑Iran and counter‑Israel objectives, and internal rivalries complicate cohesion. The United Kingdom, which helped protect Gulf airspace during the hostilities, is also seeking deeper defence‑industrial cooperation with Saudi Arabia, as discussed by Prime Minister Keir Starmer in Jeddah. UAE political scientist Abdulkhaleq Abdulla predicts tighter security ties with the United States and a growing willingness among Gulf states to engage with Israel on military and intelligence fronts. Analysts such as Yasmine Farouk of the International Crisis Group note that Saudi Arabia’s extensive oil infrastructure, Red Sea ports and sheer geographic size give it a strategic advantage in post‑war reconstruction, though the cost of rebuilding could strain its Vision 2030 diversification agenda. Looking ahead, the Gulf is expected to layer additional security partnerships—particularly with European nations—while investing heavily in air and missile defence, hardened ports, desalination facilities, maritime surveillance and alternative export routes. As Andreas Krieg of King’s College London observes, the United States remains the only power with a full‑scale military architecture in the Gulf, but its bases are increasingly viewed as “tripwires” rather than protective shields.